WHAT ARE THE LARGER ISSUES?

Much has been said and written on the Bhopal disaster and its aftermath. While issues such as the nature and extent of the tragedy, it’s possible long-term effects, the culpability of the multinational Union Carbide Corporation and its cohorts in India, the bungling by our Government, scientists, technologists and other professional elites, the need for massive relief operations etc., have been widely dealt with, many of the larger issues that really come to the fore in the context of Bhopal disaster have not yet found adequate expression. What is distressing is the total lack of sensibility and utter callousness displayed so far by most of our scientists, technologists, administrators and other professionals and their professional bodies, in even refusing to start a debate on what happened at Bhopal, what we must do to ensure that such disasters do not recur and what we learn from all this in formulating our S&T and other policies in future. We believe that such issues can no longer be shirked any more. The following collection of articles on the 'Lessons from Bhopal' is to precisely focus on several of these larger issues that have come to the forefront in the context of the Bhopal disaster. Whether our professional elites want it or not, the debate on these issues is going to start and perhaps take onto still larger issues concerning the entire reconstruction of Indian Society.

While the Government and the official machinery has reacted to the Bhopal disaster, as though it ware just one more natural calamity like an earthquake or a cyclone, the event has brought forth arid mare probing responses from a number of non-official groups as well as individuals. Finding expression in the form of articles in the press meetings and seminars, processions, demonstration, and signature campaigns, these groups and individuals have attached great significance to the tragedy and raised a wide range of questions and issues. Some of the important issues raised in this context have been the following:

1. The functioning of the multinational, corporations in our Country their greed, callousness and double-standards while operating in the thirdworld countries. It has been demanded that their operations be closely scrutinized and curbed, and. even that they as completely thrown out of the country.
   
   
2. The poor safety standards prevailing in the industrial units in our .country": It is being pointed out that the Bhopal disaster is far from being an isolated incident and that observance of safety regulations is woefully inadequate or even non-existent in many industrial' units in our country, be they foreign owned, Indian or Government run. It is being urged that the existing conditions in the various industrial establishments in the country be thoroughly investigated, more stringent safety regulations be passed and strictly enforced.
   
   
3. Environmental hazards being posed by the industrial units and other projects in the country: It is being increasingly brought out that many of our developmental schemes such as large scale industrial units, dams, canals etc., are steadily disrupting and destroying the environment and eroding people's health and means lot livelihood. Demands are being raised that a thorough environmental impact assessment be carried out before any such scheme is sanctioned and taken up, and that steps be taken to reduce the environmental hazards of the existing units. The right to safe environment should be recognized as a fundamental and enforceable right of the people.
   
   
4. People’s right to know: Very little information is ever made available to them. Public regarding the nature, functioning and problems of most of our developmental projects. This is particularly so in the case of industries, many of which are located in densely populated areas. People are denied access to basic information like what the plant is producing, what are the processes and materials being used, in what ways these are likely to affect the life and ecology of the locality, what are the hazards involved, and in the event of an accident, what are the people expected to do, etc. In many cases, it is not even known whether such, information even exists. In the case of Bhopal, the situation had gone to such an absurd extent that, even after the disaster, the people were kept totally in the dark as to what had happened and what needs to be done. The demand that has been put forward is that the people should have an absolute right to know what is going on inside all the plants and projects, and this right should be enforceable by law.
   
   
5. The role of the Government and bureaucracy in the aftermath of the Bhopal disaster has been attracting severe criticism for its failure to provide adequate relief and rehabilitation to the affected people, its failure to identify and proceed firmly against those responsible for the disaster, and in general, for its total lack of appreciation of the feelings of the people. It has been criticized for having .been under various influences and pressures to such an extent that all the earlier warnings about the possibility of such a disaster were totally ignored, and after the occurrence, 4he culprits were being even shielded and protected.
   
   
6. The role of the S&T Community in the Country : How its conduct both before and after the disaster has totally belied the responsibility entrusted to it by the society, and how its conduct has been unbecoming of the moral, ethical and professional standards expected of any self-respecting S&T Community. It has been pointed out that, disregarding all the norms worthy of the members of such a Community, our S&T personnel have conducted themselves merely as the spokesmen for politicians, bureaucrats and foreign capital.
   

As can be seen from the above, the range of issues raised in the context of Bhopal has been quite wide and of far-reaching significance. The central concern expressed has-been on preventing another Bhopal from happening, and the many suggestions and demands, if accepted and implemented, would doubtless go a long way in reducing such a possibility. It is essential that a concerted nation wide effort be organized in this direction.

At the same time, one cannot help noticing that much of the debate and discussion seems to be sharing a common premise characterized by a belief that : (i) If only we are more cautious and take the necessary measures, then it is possible for us to 'tame' the modern S & T (whose end results are the plants like the one in Bhopal) and make it serve the people of our country in a safe manner, and (ii) We really have no choice in the matter but to have more and more of such plants, if we are to develop and progress as a nation. Foreclosing options at this level, we believe, is both premature as well as unnecessary. Firstly, it should be remembered that if the West today appears to have acquired reasonable mastery and control over this S & T, it is only after going through a process very costly and painful not only to themselves but perhaps more so to other peoples. Even then, it is far from true that this S&T has been made 'safe' in the West. It is a serious and open question as to what price we will have to pay if we as a nation under the condition existing today, have to learn to use this S&T. In a widespread and larger scale manner, even assuming that such a thing is possible.

The second aspect, viz. that we really have no choice in the matter, also needs a careful re-examination. It is true that the issue is often. Posted in this manner: If we have to have development and progress, then we must be prepared to have more and more of the Bhopal-type plants, and all those who are opposed to such plants are actually opposing all development and progress. This position, however, becomes highly questionable especially in the case under consideration. After all the "plant in Bhopal was supposedly producing highly toxic chemical pesticides. As is well known chemical pesticides became an essential input to agriculture only with the adoption of the Green Revolution package. It became essential because of the use of the so called high yielding variety (HYV) seeds that have been evolved in short periods of time in artificial environments and hence have no natural immunity to pests; because of the exclusive use of chemical fertilizers that disrupt the soil chemistry and the biological environment of the plant; because of the poor water-management associated with large dams, canals and large-scale destruction of the forests, etc. So, to say that we have no alternative to increasingly producing and consuming chemical pesticides is correct only if it is accepted that we have no alternative to the Green Revolution package for increasing our food production. And this is far from being the case. On the one' hand, it is being increasingly Recognized that, apart from destroying the soil and poisoning the food and the environment, the Green Revolution technology of agriculture is also highly wasteful of all resources and energy, and is indeed a very inefficient way of producing food. And then, it can also be confidently asserted that the science and technology of agriculture evolved and. perfected by our farmers over thousands of years, an agriculture that did not need chemical pesticides, is more than adequate to meet all our needs, if only we are prepared to learn from them. The existence of such alternatives to the Green Revolution package has never been seriously considered. Without exploring this possibility seriously and sincerely, it is quite premature and unnecessary to conclude that we have no alternative but to rely increasingly on chemical pesticides, and thus have more and more of the Bhopal type plants.

It is not being suggested that we can abruptly stop using all chemical pesticides and that all the pesticide plants can be immediately shut down. What is needed is an effort to reduce our total dependence on such pesticides, and explore ways and means of eventually phasing them out altogether. The Chinese experience seems to be significant in this regard. Starting from a position of total dependence on chemical pesticides, like what we are doing now, the Chinese agriculture seems to have soon realized their harmful effects and adopted a variety of means whereby they have been able to reduce the use of chemical pesticides significantly, at least in a few selected areas. In a similar way, now that we are becoming increasingly aware of the problems involved, it should be possible for us to check and reverse the trend. Without attempting this, to blindly believe that all that we can do is to try to make the Bhopal type plants safer, is far too feeble a response to the tragedy of Bhopal.

It may be safely asserted that what has been said about pesticides and agriculture is also true, to varying degrees, in other areas like health, housing etc. A much wider range of alternatives are in fact available to us and that they should all be explored seriously. This ought to form an integral part in any effort to make sure that Bhopal’s do not recur. In fact, the most significant lesson that we should learn from Bhopal is the need to reconsider our S & T options at a fundamental level in all the sectors.

A certain analogy between Bhopal and Jallianwalla Bagh seems inescapable. The massacre at Jallianwalla Bagh permanently and drastically changed our perception of the British rule. It revealed in a flash as it were, the true nature of the British rule and drove home the lesson that if further Jallianwalla Baghs are to be prevented, then there is no alternative but that the British must leave India. In a similar way, the Bhopal disaster must make us all see the true face of the path of development that is being pursued in our country. It must make us see that Bhopal’s are an integral part of this path and that all attempts to prevent further Bhopal’s must necessarily include searching for alternatives to this path of development.



Author: Madras Group

GREEN REVOLUTION REVISITED : AN EXAMINATION OF THE TAMIL NADU DATA

In the Nov. 1982 issue of this bulletin (vol.2 No.2), we had published the article "Green Revolution: A Historical perspective" by J.K. Bajaj. This paper had analyzed the [impact of the Green Revolution on Indian Agriculture, compared it with the pre-Green Revolution strategy of agricultural development and also touched upon the question .of alternatives to the Green Revolution strategy for the development of Indian agriculture. Recently, a Tamil Journal, Marx/yam Inru * (Marxism, Today), carried an-article entitled "Green Revolution - A Neo-colonialist Exploitation" by Thozhan. This article has discussed the effects of Green Revolution, now at a regional level, with data for Tamil Nadu agriculture. In this note we are summarizing the essential findings of this article. The first section recapitulates the major conclusions of Bajai's article the second section summarizes the Tamil Nadu data from the above mentioned article.

I. Green Revolution: The Overall picture for the whole of India.

The post independence development of Indian agriculture can be divided into two phases—the pre-Green Revolution period and the Green Revolution period,

Pre-Green Revolution

At the time of attaining' independence, Indian agriculture was in a particularly bad phase. Bengal had passed through a major famine irrigation facilities were severely depleted with partition (less than 20% of the net sown area was irrigated); rural indebtedness was on the increase (it had doubled between 1929 and 1936) and the per capita food availability was rather low (417 g/day in 1946). The post independence, efforts to develop agriculture were directed in two areas—irrigation and land reforms. In the period 1947—48 to 1849-50 the net irrigated area increased from 18.9 MHz to 20.2 MHz—most of this increase was in the form of wells and minor irrigation works. Irrigation facilities kept on increasing steadily and during the period 1950-51 to'1968-69 irrigated area increased at the rate of 0.67 MHz/year. Land reforms were initiated in many states by 1950s. Abolition of the zamindari system, increased security of tenure to the cultivator, fixation of reasonable rents for tenants and land ceilings1 were some of the changes (although these may have been done half-heartedly and not always implemented fully). Indian agriculture responded well to these changes. During the 1950s the aggregate crop production increased faster than the population. The production of almost every crop showed an increase both in terms of area under crop and yield. By 1960-61 the average per capita availability of food was 460 g/day (as against 417 g/day in 1946).

A significant feature of this development was that the increase in food production was achieved over a wide production base and all the inputs to agriculture continued to be derived from the rural sector and essentially free of urban control. Hence in general the increased production was absorbed in the rural areas themselves and there was no increase in the food reaching the urban market economy. The N.C.A.R. (National Commission on Agriculture Report) noted that despite increased production there was a decline in market arrivals of food. By the end of the second plan period efforts were a foot to change this situation. The Intensive Agricultural Development Program (IADP) and later on the Intensive Agriculture Area Program (IAAP) were started. The key feature of these schemes was the concentration of resources in well endowed areas to increase production Thus the emphasis was shifted from making deficit areas self-sufficient, to increasing production in well endowed areas it is clear that the intention was to increase food production in such a manner that the marginal yield would flow into the urban market. The program however proved to be a failure, as the marginal increase in yields could not justify the increased inputs. For example, as per NCAR (Vol.1), out of 12 Rice and. 4 Wheat district's, the marginal increase in yields of rice and wheat was only 0.9 and 3.3 quintals/hectare respectively, whereas the added costs under the new scheme was equivalent in cost to 10 quintals of wheat hectare and 10 to 12.4 quintals of" rice/hectare. Trie 'efficiency' of the package for the other crops was even worse.

Green Revolution

By mid-sixties the Green' Revolution (GR) technology became available—which seemed capable of achieving what the IAAP and IADP had attempted but failed to do. The essential feature of the GR technology was the use of High Yielding Varieties (HYV) of seeds. These were cross breeds evolved which were selected for their capacity to accept huge doses of fertilizers and yield increased outputs. Since these -HYV were evolved under laboratory conditions, they did not possess the natural resistance to pests, and diseases etc., and thus required the use of large amounts of chemical pesticides to protect them. All the inputs of the GR technology—HYV seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, implements 1or mechanized farming and above all the "Knowledge of the production process", had to be imported from outside the village— from the urban industrial market and abroad. This achieved the purpose of linking the agricultural sector to the industry and making it responsive to its needs. The excess production now flowed into the market.

This technology is hailed at a great success by pointing to the ''miracle'' yields in some select areas. However the nature of the GR technology is brought out in its true colors when we examine the overall effect of adopting this strategy of agricultural development with the pre-GR period.

Table 1 (a) compares the compound rates of growth of some key agricultural parameters—production, area and yield for food grains and 111 crops of the pre-GR period with the first 10 years after GR. The year 1967-8 is taken as the dividing year. It is clear from the table that the rate of growth of agriculture has in fact declined after the GR for food grains and all crops. While the rate of growth of rice and pulses also shows a decline only the wheat production shows an increase.

TABLE I (a & b)

All India      (a)		Land Area	Prod			Yield
		49-50 to 64-65	67-68 to 77-78	Pre GR	Post GR	Pre GR	Post GR
Food		1.34	0.38	2.98	2.40	1.61	1.53
Non Food		2.52	1.01	3.65	2.70	1.06	1.15
All Crops		1.60	0.55	3.20	2.50	1.60	1.40
Rice		1.26	0.74	3.37	2.21	2.09	1.46
Wheat		2.7	3.10	3.07	5.73	1.24	2.53
Pulses		1.87	0.75	1.62	0.20	-0.24	-0.42
Tamil Nadu (b)		50-51 to 64-65	66-67 to 77-78	Pre	Post	Pre	Post
Food		1.22	-0.15	3.89	1.87	2.70	2.06
Non Food		0.80	0.72	4.88	5.98	2.32	2.58
All Crop's		1.00	0.10	3.83	1.93	2.47	1.81
Rice		0.75	0.18	5.74	2.29	1.83	1.80
Pulses		0.89	2.92	1.68	5.38	2.95	1.70
Sources :    J. K.Bajaj,PPST Bulletin Nov.1982
Thozhan :   Marxiam Inru, July 1984

It is (possible that this decline is sometimes attributed to the law of diminishing marginal productivity- i.e. it could be argued that the resources had begun to reach a saturation level in the pre-GR period. Table II has displayed the compound rate of growth of agricultural production, area and yield during the period 1951 to 1974, during the four plan periods. We can see that during the III plan period that immediately preceded GR the growth rate had reached an all - time high of < 2.7% p.a. (As against 1.4% and 1.8% during the previous plan periods). Hence the productivity was moving up and the decline in growth and productivity after GR is not; explainable by the law of diminishing marginal productivity. TABLE II

Plan-wise Compound rates of growth

Plan period	Agri Produ	Area Under Crops	Yield (%p.a.)
I  (1950-51   to 55-56)	4.1	2.6	1.4
II   (56 - 57 to 60-61)	3.1	1.3	1.8
III (61 - 62 to 64 - 65)	3.3	0.6	2.7
IV (69 - 70 to 73 - 74)	2.2	0.8
Source:    J. K. Bajaj, PPST Bulletin Nov. 1982

The GR technology is energetically much less efficient than traditional technologies. If energy costs of all inputs are taken into account the traditional technologies are 50 - 250 times more efficient than the GR technologies. The new technology has also vastly increased our dependence on foreign inputs in many ways. Our expenditure on imports of agricultural inputs which used to be merely seven cores of rupees in 1950-51 increased to 201crores in 1973-74. After this there was a spurt in fertilizer prices and by 1974-75 the imports stood at 532.5crores.

The new agricultural practices are also known to have several undesirable effects on the environment and soil fertility. The new technology, has also led to crop-to-crop disparity and area to area disparity.

Tamil Nadu Data*

Table I (b) compares the rates of growth of land area, production and yield in T. Nadu for the years before and after GR. The dividing line here is taken to be 64-65. (The years 65-66, 69 and 75 being drought years, have been excluded from consideration), it can be seen that there is a decrease in the growth rate of food crops after the GR while there is a marginal increase in the yield of non-food crops. While the area under rice as well as production and yield of rice has decreased after GR the production of pulses has increased. But this is attributable mainly to increased land being used to cultivate pulses rather than improved technology since the yield has declined in the post GR period.

Again the decrease in growth rate in the post GR period is not attributable to saturation of resource use—these have been and still are on the rise. For example in 1950 the land under cultivation was only 45lakhs hectares, and it has increased steadily to 70lakh hectares today. Out of this 45 lakh hectares are still dry lands. Thus there is still plenty of possibility to "expand the resource base and production. In fact in a normal monsoon year T. N. utilizes merely one third of the total water.

This technology has rendered the farmer heavily dependent on urban inputs. Every year the' Coop-Banks in Tamil Nadu advance about Rs. 100crores as short-term loans, and 15-20crores as long-term loans; of this about 40% are HYV seeds, pesticides and fertilizers. Over the past 15 years Rs. 1,700 crores has been given as loans. The debt of the farming community is steadily on the increase. The loan arrears which stood at 139.7 crores in Dec. 1977 had increased to 420 crores by June 1981.

Similarly at a national level the GR technology has made us crucially dependent on foreign inputs. During the period 74-76 the World Bank (WB) advanced a-loan-.of 2622 crores of which 807 crores were spent on fertilizers alone! Even many of the fertilizer plants set up in India are dependent on foreign technical aid and follow WB "Guidelines" to regularize prices. The foreign inputs also lead
to steep increases in costs of inputs with increasing world market prices for oil. Urea which [sold at 680 Rs/ton in 1967 had increased to about 1000 Rs/ton by 1973. After 1974 when a lot of third world countries had taken to GR technology the price of urea doubled.

This article with the Tamil Nadu data reiterates the point that was highlighted in Bajaj's article, namely that the "miracle" of GR, if examined in an area of any reasonable size like a state is seen in its true colors—merely as a device that can make a [few pockets prosperous by depleting other areas of resources. Thus the most powerful claim made on behalf of this technology that it increases productivity—stands exposed. It ' is clear that any reasonable policy for the future of Indian agriculture would have much to learn from our traditional technologies which are not only more sound ecologically but are infect more meaningful as a way to increase production and productivity.


Author: Madras Group

Note:

* 'Marxian Ireful* Edited and published by K. Monoharan, 23/10 Mutbalamman Koil St., Madras - 600 033 (July-Aug. 1984 issue pp. 25-50).

* The sources mentioned in the Tamil article for this data are (a) Tamil Nadu • an Economic Appraisal 1971-1983 (Evalution and Applied Research Dept Govt, of Tamil Nadu) (b) State planning commission. Tamil Nadu 1982-3 (c) Agricultural census 1961.

CHIPKO - MOVEMENT

[Shri Sunderlal Bahugunaji, one of the major inspirers and leaders of the Chipko movement, observed a prayerful fast for 11 days for self-introspection and focussing the countrymen's attention on that serious problem [of the critical state of affairs in the Himalayan region]. The fast started on 2nd April ‘81 and was to be followed by a foot march from Kashmir to Kohima in May-June by the youth drawn from various parts of the country. On this occasion, Bahugunaji has requested us to give wide publicity to the cause of Chipko movement and to support it by all possible means.

Chipko is too well known a movement to need a detailed write-up from us. Also, sufficient literature has been published explaining the history and the objectives of the movement. This literature can be obtained by writing to Chipko Information Centre, P.O. Silyara Ghansali, 249155 (Tehri Garhwal, U.P.) Below, we only emphasise the two special features of the movement, which in our view make Chipko more than a usual conservationist movement. ]

1. Chipko is a Gandhi an Movement for Total Change

The Chipko movement had its origins in the efforts of Shri Chandi Prasad Bhatt and his colleagues, started in the early sixties, to win a share for the local hill people in the commercially exploited forest wealth of the Himalayas. The Chipko movement proper, however, right from its inception on March 27, 1973, has had a much wider scope than that of an economic, or even an ecological movement. The organizers of the movement see Chipko as a movement that 'rebels against the materialistic civilization which, in order to satisfy its ever-increasing artificial needs, has provoked man to, conquer nature and rape the earth, and a movement that works for 'the establishment of cordial relationship between man and nature.' This wider perspective of the movement is reflected in all its facets: in the techniques it employs (Chipko literally means embracing— embrace the trees to avoid the lumberman's axe falling on them); in the slogans and songs it uses (Chipko has thrown up a number of melodious folk songs and powerful slogans—all expressing the hill-people's organic link with the natural forests), in what its leaders say and even in the idiom that they use for saying it. Notice the personification of the Himalayas in the following;

"The Himalayas have been providing livelihood to the highlanders through its forests and rivers, but now its endurance is exhausted owing to man's provocations and it has started hurtling rocks. The Himalayas which was known to safeguard against any peril owing to its unpenetrable wall, has become the origin of floods and has shaken the economic structure of Northern India. It has declared war against mankind. Man has no power and wit to face this calamity, other than change his style from A to Z. Instead of presuming himself the conqueror of nature he should try and live in harmony with it. Our materialistic civilization has made us the butchers of nature. In order to satisfy his passion man wants to plunder everything at one stretch. He wants to slaughter the earth."

This evolution of the Chipko movement from an economic-ecological movement to a total movement against the modern civilization (as always envisaged by Gandhiji see ‘Hind Swaraj') has, been forced in practice. Right from the beginning, Chipko’s stand against felling of trees was condemned as a narrow parochial attitude opposed to the ‘scientific’ exploitation of the forests. To this the answer of the Chipko workers could only be:

"The "principles of forestry" quoted in books are "scientific principles" follow¬ing from a world-view which teaches that nature is for conquering and the earth for raping. It is the world-view of the contractors and profit-makers and the “scientific principles" that flow from it are their principles. We have no faith in this "science of forestry". Our world-view teaches us to treat the whole world as our family (Vasudhaivecutumbakam). This is the world view that allows for permanent life on the hills. The science of forestry that flows from this world-view is the science that the hill people know and have been practicing since ages. It is this science that is of the\ people and for the people in which we have faith".

This then is an instance of the concept of the neutrality of science being questioned in practice, and this could also serve as an indication of the sources of a patriotic and people-oriented science and Technology (PPST).

2. Chipko is a Gandhian Women's Liberation Movement

On March 26, '74, during the Chipko action to save the Reni forests, the contractors and the government authorities connived to keep all the men-folk away from the village. The Chipko leaders were kept at Gopeshwar by the D.F.O. under the pretext of negotiations etc. The village men were all called to Chamoli under the pre¬text of paying compensation for the land appropriated by the Army at least 14 years earlier. And the contractors’ men were sent to Reni to fell the trees. When the Chipko leaders, Bhattji amongst them heard of the deception, they were dumbstruck; .everyone thought that all was lost. However, on reaching Reni the next day they found a complete surprise awaiting them. The women of the village had on that day, on their own initiative, gone to the forest and stopped the contractors' men from felling any trees. They had pushed the lumbermen out of the forest, and to make it doubly sure that they do not return, they had cut the road leading from the village to the forest; and also kept a night-long vigil over the marked trees. From that day the movement became the women's movement.

The organizers repeatedly emphasize the participation of women in the movement. The movement is described as ' Uttarkhand women's bid to save the forest wealth.' It is pointed out that women are the major sufferers in the loss of forests. It is their life that becomes a hell as a result of the 'scientific-commercial' exploitation of the forests. The men are forced to leave their homes and go to the plains to earn a livelihood. So the whole burden of family life-looking after the children and cattle and working in the fields-has fallen on the women. Sometimes, they have to walk more than 20 kms to bring a head-load of leaf-fodder or fuel. The drying up of drinking water resources has further increased their difficulties; hence their struggle to save the forests as a source of fuel, fodder and drinking water sources, which are fast depleted as a result of "scientific management".

That a Gandhian movement for a more harmonious life on earth be led to seek its base in women is particularly interesting. It may be relevant to summarize here Gandhiji's conception of woman's role in ushering in the regenerate society of his vision. (See: M.K.Gandhi, "Woman and social injustice”). Gandhiji believed that: while both man and woman are fundamentally the same, their roles have been different. While man has taken on the role of breadwinner, which in today's society is based on the exploitation of man and nature, woman has been the caretaker and distributor. In the present society, man's role is the dominant one and woman has developed an inferiority complex by believing in man's interested teaching that she is inferior to him. According to Gandhiji, in the regenerate human society based on Ahimsa-on harmonious, non-exploitative relationships between man and man, and man and nature—it is the woman's role that will be dominant. Gandhiji believed that woman will achieve true liberation, not by demanding equal partnership in modern man's rapacity, but by reemphasizing her role as the caretaker and distributor. In the struggle for a new order based on Ahimsa, woman will thus be the unquestioned leader.

‘My contribution to the great problem (of women's liberation) lies in my presenting for acceptance truth and ahimsa in every walk of life, whether for individuals or nations. I have hugged the hope that in this woman will be the unquestioned leader and, having thus found her place in human evolution, will shed her inferiority complex'. (Harijan, 24-2-1940; Rep. in loc: cit. p. 27).

The chipko movement while showing that a movement for harmonious life on earth, for better care of natural resources, calls forth spontaneous active participation even of the supposedly backward, uneducated women living in the remote villages of the Himalayas, seems to be trying out in practice Gandhiji's conception of a women's liberation movement.

All those who are searching for alternatives to the modern rapacious imperialist civilization will find a lot to support and study in the Chipko movement.

Suggested Reading

1. M. K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj

2. M. K. Gandhi, Women and Social Injustice, Navjivan Publishing house, Ahmedabad, 1942.

3. Anupam Mishra and Satyendra Tripathi, Chipko Movement, People's Action New Delhi, 1978.




Author:Madras Group

INDIAN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY: AT THE CROSS-ROADS

[A review of "A Failed Science ?" : A symposium on the state of technical establishment; SEMINAR (258), Feb. 1981]

Indian Science and Technology (S & T) today, like Indian economy and Indian polity, is in a crisis, and the S & T planners are in a fix.

S & T planning in India was launched in right earnest in the fifties with great fanfare, and with a solemn declaration by the planners through a resolution of the parliament of their faith in" the efficacy of S & T in solving the material and social problems of a country long ravaged by colonisation. It is not necessary to state that S & T for our planners meant western S & T in its modern phase. The essential elements of the grand strategy to graft the western S & T on the Indian soil were :

(i) Creation of a large scientific and technical manpower trained in the western mould, through the establishment of a number of elite technological institutes in direct _ collaboration with western “advanced" nations, and through other scientific and technological educational institutes staffed largely by foreign-trained scientists and technologists.

(ii) Creation of a modern industrial infrastructure through the establishment in the public sector of a large number of high techno logy plants bought from the 'advanced' nations on a turnkey basis.

(iii) Creation of indigenous technology to substitute the foreign technology in a reasonable time through the establishment of a large number of R & D laboratories.

(iv) Creation of a pure-science capability through the establishment of elite institutes and by encouraging science in the universities.

After three decades of vigorous execution of this policy, all the four elements of the grand strategy are in place. India can today boast of the third largest S & T manpower in the world, an1 industrial infrastructure which is capable of feeding secondary industries that produce everything from razor blades to aero planes, umpteen number of R & D laboratories that specialize in diverse fields like environmental control and atomic energy, and a large number of universities and elite research institutes working on the frontiers of western science. But in spite of all this, the dream of the planners of the fifties of creating an India in the mould of England seems as remote as ever- The vast technological manpower has failed to make any impact on the world scene; in spite of the established infrastructure, industry is continuously stagnating (growth rates for the first five year-plans in large-scale manufacturing sector are 6.0, 7.2, 8.0, 35 & 2.8 per cent respectively); in spite of all the R & D laboratories, the industry keeps clamoring for more foreign technological input and more and more degrading collaborations have to be made (remember: the Siemens deal; the fertilizer story, and now the oil sellout); and the 'elite' pure scientists remain elites only within the country. The grand strategy, after having been fully executed, has failed. That is the crisis, and nobody knows the way out.

The SEMINAR issue under review is a good mirror of this crisis and an indication of the type of solutions and excuses a failed scientific community is offering. Three of the five main articles in the issue are devoted to careful quantifications of the failure of Indian S&T in three different areas. S. R. Ganesh's article ("Training patterns") deals with the failure of even an elite institute like 11T, Bombay in imbuing its students with any sense of purpose, or even with a respect for academic technical training; M. R. Bhagwan's article ("Innovations in Industry") gives a meticulous history of the various phases through which the Indian industry has passed, and gives impressive evidence of the failure of Indian R &D to innovate and of the continued reliance of Indian industry on foreign collaboration (which seems to be becoming an official policy now); and Dinesh Mohan ("Sea of Mediocrity") attempts a rigorous quantification of the mediocrity of Indian scientists-of even those who work outside India.

The three articles are useful reading for anyone who needs evidence for the obvious fact that Indian S&T has failed. However, we shall advise all readers to discount the infantile remedies offered in these articles. We are not being harsh in calling these remedies suggested infantile. For example, S. R. Ganesh after having noticed (through his carefully planned sociological study) that even though the faculty gives top priority to teaching and the students value academic aspects rather low, suggests that: "there is no alternative but for most faculty members to become influential in all these aspects (career choice etc.) of the students' development".

Correct, sir! But how? Hasn't Prof. Ganesh ever met a sincere IIT teacher and seen him being respected, yet treated like some sort of a crank who does not know the realities of the world outside IIT? When in the industrial world outside the IIT the managers show "very little enthusiasm for innovating" and "great enthusiasm for the 'wonder that the imports of the 'latest' technology would do" [Bhagwan's article in the same issue], the students are not likely to bother much about the old teacher or senior post-graduate who persists in pursuing 'technological excellence’, nor are they expected to help in creating 'an environment where inquiry is encouraged; irrespective of the best intentions of those people who are courageous enough to face the contradictions'. Market forces, as we all know, always prove to be more powerful than mere good intentions. Again, Mr. Bhagwan, having clearly sketched the impossibility of Indian industry, as it is, to expand any further on the basis of the Indian market alone, and therefore being forced to seek markets abroad, obviously with foreign collaboration, blames the supposed contempt of Indian middle class for manual dexterity and manual skills for the lack of innovations in R & D-this after having proved that within the Indian industry, keeping in view the market it has to cater to, the R&D employees are largely redundant.

The task of taking an overall view of Indian S&T is left to the articles by B. Banerjee ["Research Institutions"] and P. M. Bhargava and Indradev ["Deficiencies and corrections"]. It is in these articles that we get a glimpse of the fix in which the Indian S&T planners find themselves and of the type of solutions they are contem plating. Banerjee's article traces the history of development of science institutions in the country, notices that these were western grafts on Indian soil, notices their failure and almost frankly admits that he does not know the way out: "What the scientists do remains irrelevant to the functioning of the society. Whether a basic change in the Social Structure will alter the scientists' role is at the moment an open question". This is an honest article and coming from an established scientist in, an elite institute (TIFR), is worth reading. One must, of course, excuse a western trained scientist working in TIFR, for referring to his countrymen as "natives" and for the propensity to brazenly make statements like "Early nineteenth century scientific knowledge was introduced into a society whose members' knowledge of nature corresponded approximately to that of fourteenth century Europe" May we humbly remind Prof. Banerjee that fourteenth century Europe was still in its dark ages, and that the original impetus for the colonizers to turn towards India was its famed prosperity.. May we also humbly recommend to Prof. Banerjee the reading of the rather easily7 available books by Dharampal " (Indian Science and Technology in the 18 century: Some Contemporary European Accounts Impex India, 1971) and Claude Alvares (" Homo Faber ", Allied Publishers, 1975), to disabuse himself of such myths.

Bhargava and Indradev's article is perhaps the most important article in the whole issue as an indicator of the thinking of S & T policy planners in India. The article begins by introducing a large dose of optimism in the general atmosphere of gloom and despair that the rest of the issue generates and comes out openly in defence of the S & T community, alienated from the local culture and needs though it may be. The basic argument advanced by Bhargava and Indradev is that:

(i) The 'development research' whenever practised, has succeeded. In 1975-76 we exported 128 categories of finished goods to 179 countries, whereas in 1947 we exported no goods at all. (How much of this export is 'manufacture' from the foreign designs and how much is 'development’ is a moot question: refer to the succeeding article by Bhagwan)

(ii) Indian Scientific Community in the last 3 decades has produced a number of outstanding scientists whose work constitutes fundamental contributions to many fields of modern science. (How does this excellence compare in competition with the rest of the world? Refer to Dincsh Mohan's article).

If in spite of these successes, continues the argument, the overall S&T planning does not seem to have succeeded, the failure lies with a number of socio-politico-economic causes and with the organization of S&T. They suggest a number of remedies: Greater recognition of scientists' achievements and their role, removal of bureaucratization from the working of S & T community, provision of more funds for S & T, involvement of talented scientists in planning and administration, etc. All this is often repeated and almost trite. The science policy resolution of 1958 itself recognized the need for all this and the policy was tailored accordingly (Remember the amount of power Bhabha, Sarabhai etc wielded and Sethna, Ramanna, Dhavan, Swaminathan etc still do). The new points made by Bhargava and Indradev, in view of the obvious failure of S & T planning in the country are two:

1. If the S & T practice of the last 3 decades has failed to resolve the basic problems of the people, of say food, clothing, housing etc, the scientists should not be blamed for this. The responsibility for this failure is not primarily scientific, but overwhelmingly socio-politico-economic. "Blaming our scientists for our failures is like holding American scientists responsible for the backward-ness of blacks in USA".

This is a curious argument, and almost a demand that scientists should not be held responsible for being socially irrelevant - a demand we thought had become outdated since the pioneering work of Bernal. Let us only add that the American S & T is responsible for the backwardness of the blacks there. It was the development of this S & T that necessitated and facilitated slave-trade and colonization in the first place. Also American blacks are a minority, and the scientists there may justifiably refuse to work in the interest of a minority. How can Bhargava et al refuse the responsibility of working in the interest of the majority of the Indian people on the basis of that specious argument ?

2. The second new point that the article makes is that since 'scientific temper' is essential for the development of S & T, "all activities which are not consistent with the scientific attitude must be deliberately and actively discouraged. This idea should be incorporated into the Directive Principles of our constitution".

What is meant by "activities which are not consistent with the scientific attitude"? Since 'scientific attitude' is supposedly a component of western culture1, the above phrase can cover almost all activities that are not consistent with modern western attitudes-And what actively discouraging “anti-scientific" activities can mean, we can only guess from history. The Britishers are known to have banned the prevalent local practice of small-pox inoculation in Bengal because it was “anti scientific", thereby unleashing major small-pox epidemics. Britishers in India and other colonisers elsewhere are known to have banned a number of similar local practices, both cultural and industrial-economic in the name of promoting “scientific attitude ", with disastrous results. Even from Indians the claim that Indian cultural environment is not conducive to the development of Science has been heard before. But this is the first time some Indians have demanded a ban on the local activities.

It is tempting to quote a passage from ' The Plague’ of Albert Camus. At the height of the plague, Dr. Rieux visits a cafe and finds:

‘…a naval officer, with a girl on each side of him, was describing to a" fat red-faced man a typhus epidemic at Cairo. “They had camps, you know,” he was saying, “for the natives, with tents for sick ones and a ring of sentries all around. If a member of the family came along and tried to smuggle in one of those damn-fool native remedies, they fired at sight. A bit tough, I grant you, but it was the only thing to do.”

Neither Camus nor Dr. Rieux seem to be in sympathy with the sailor, but Professors Bhargava and Indradev, by demanding a ban of all activities not consistent with " scientific attitude" (which in this context means all the local pre-British S & T practices) have put themselves securely on the side of the sailor.

After reading the issue it becomes clear that the Indian S & T is at the cross-roads. The optimism of the fifties that western S & T can be grafted on Indian soil is gone. Now the choice has to be made. You can choose "modern S & T" and “modern industry” at all costs (even at the cost of banning by law the local practices), and no questions asked about its relevance to the majority of the people. Or you can choose to be with the people, their needs, their culture, their customs and develop a relevant S & T. Bhargava et al. and the officialdom have made their choice. Is it to be taken lying down?.



Author:Madras Group

THE OIL SELL-OUT

The early planners of the Indian scientific establishment, in their firm belief that the network of institutes and laboratories they had given birth to would usher in a new era of 'advanced' science, threw behind it the weight of their patronage. But Indian society went on, impelled by its inner dynamics, largely set into motion by the rapacity of the middleman (a significant section of the industrial capitalists too will come under this heading). In the Indian ruling classes' scheme of things, a well-carried-out science policy finds no place. For example gestational research and development and short term killings on a sellers' market are poles apart. So, as long as India is dominated by the middleman, science will not meet national problems head on. The atmosphere, the encouragement and the funds will not be forthcoming. Science will continue to be a pantomime. Given this ambience it is not surprising that scientific establishments are run on hierarchical lines and alienated scientists are thrown up. What happens when a nation's scientists are alienated and a time arrives when their services are needed more .than ever? The case of the Oil and Natural Gas Commission (ONGC) illustrates what happens.

At the moment India consumes about 34 million tons (MT) of crude oil, two thirds of which is imported. The import bill amounts to 90% of our total export earnings, which at present means Rs. 6,000 crores. This could rise to 17,000 crores m 1985—86 which would be 150% of our total export earnings at that time. The" demand for consumption could increase from the 35 MT today to 41 MT by 1993 and be as high as 92 MT by the turn of the century. The OPEC price in 1973 was §2 a barrel. Now it is $35 a barrel, and by 1990 could be as high as $300—$400 per barrel.

The inner imperatives of contemporary Indian economy demand' increasing consumption of petroleum and natural gas. The enormous strain on our foreign exchange resources and the tight international credit market necessitate a well-thought-out oil policy. A long run strategy has to be developed that takes into account: (1) lead time to develop an economy equilibrated at a lower petro-energy consumption level (2) international trends with regard to oil prices, survey, exploration and extraction equipment prices (3) need to achieve self-sufficiency (4) capability of ONGC scientists (5) foreign exchange position (6) conditions in the international credit market, etc. However, the Government, throwing aside all ideas of conserving oil for a future and more needy time, has decided Ion a heightened extraction level, thereby reducing the life of our resources. The wisdom of this move itself is in question. Not only this, the path chosen for accelerated exploitation of the oil fields has involved a compromise of national interests and sell-out to multi¬national corporations. The already frustrated ONGC scientists have been further mocked at. A recent-event will serve to illustrate the Petroleum ministry's attitude.

CFP is a French firm who are consultants to ONGC for the Bombay High project. The approved plan is to step up production to 12 MT per annum by 1982. The question of increasing production from: 12 to 17 MT was posted by the Petroleum Minister, P. C. Sethi, directly to CFP without a careful and detailed examination of the problem and prospect with the ONGC. CFP were initially sceptical about it. They advocated the view that an increase in the volume of extraction of oil from a field should be carefully regulated lest the life span of the field be damaged, adversely affecting long-term recovery prospects. The conservationist view was shared by Oil India experts-in Assam. ONGC experts were" however willing to take the risks involved and initiated-exercises to improve production from Bombay High at a rapid rate beyond 12 MT to even a rate, of 17MT by the end-of 19-82 without active French participation. The Minister however pursued the CFP for a collaboration for heightened oil extraction. And CFP reversed their original conservationist stand. The Petroleum minister went to Paris for negotiations-with CFP in spite of reservations' expressed at ONGC. According to ONGC experts, there is hardly anything special that the French can bring to bear on the-job that ONGC is not capable of. The" consultancy contract had equipped the ONGC to further develop Bombay High on its own. Balraj Mehta writes in the Economic and Political Weekly (-EPW) of 28 Feb. 1981: " In all fairness the extension of the contract and the terms and conditions on which it should be done should be subject to a proper evaluation by ONGC's technical experts who alone are in a position to tell the extent to which the contract has already served a useful purpose and what more can be gained by way of acquisition of technology and know-how. The Petroleum Ministry has instead taken if upon itself to*deal with the French agency and even widen- the scope of the contract with "it. (The Petroleum Minister)- Sethi personally went to- Paris- and: entered into .negotiations with CFP........."

And what else should turn up at the Paris talks but product-sharing? Mehta continues in EPW "...that P.C. Sethi did not reject the idea outright shows the extent to which the government would be willing to go with the other companies that have evinced interest in off-shore oil exploration......if the French get 5% for this, the new companies coming in for exploration will get at least 20% of the Oil......P.C.Sethi's claim that no oil will be given away is totally unconvincing".

On his return to Delhi Sethi addressed a Press Conference refuting the criticism. Balraj Mehta describes: "But the sum and substance of his refutation was extra¬ordinary, to say the least. It amounted in effect to issuing threats against the ONGC and its technical personnel. Sethi emphatically turned down the claim that the ONGC scientists were in a position to do the job at Bombay High on their own and that there was no need for sharing any part of the precious oil with the CFP for this purpose..... (Sethi adds) The ONGC people should be ready to give in writing that they would accomplish the task proposed to be assigned to CFP and if they failed they should be ready to face the consequences". To drive home this lesson, Sethi said that many heads would roll if obstacles were put in his way by making such claims. The murmur at ONGC quietened down.

Apart from this big betrayal, even small mercies have been denied to the ONGC by the Petroleum Ministry. Recently multinational Corporations (MNC) were invited to prospect in our off-shore areas on terms highly unfavourable to us. The interests of the MNC and the host country are usually divergent. And all the more so in the case of the now-strategic oil. Self-sufficiency in oil for India could militate against the MNC's interests because: (a) it could mean loss of lucrative contracts in the future (b) it could mean loss of business for oil-selling companies (c) for geo-political reasons it would be convenient to have an India made pliable with the oil weapon. MNCs fuelled by these motives cannot obviously be trusted for such a vulnerable sector as oil. Balraj Mehta in the Indian Express of 6 Feb. 1981 described the government's stance "......unlike in 1974, the invitation to foreign oil companies including the oil majors is now unconditional and open-ended......It is now left to the foreign oil company to lay down terms and conditions and the government is willing to negotiate with them on that basis. The first condition that the oil majors have laid down is that the Indian agencies in the field; above—all the ONGC, must be totally barred from any association with this venture. The government has agreed to it with alacrity". And this deal has ended all dreams of self-sufficiency.

Mehta continues: "ONGC's pre-drilling geological and seismological data collected painstakingly is being offered almost gratis. What is more, the foreign companies have been assured conditions in which any data that they might collect will be their exclusive property. These arrangements will not only result in bartering away a good part of the oil wealth which may be discovered but also in passing into the hands of the foreign agencies vital information and knowledge of Indian land and off-shore areas to which Indian agencies will have no access......If only a fraction of foreign exchange spent on oil imports is committed to outright purchase of needed technology and expertise and the ONGC is strengthened and encouraged to understand the job at hand, it can be done; the returns in any case will be far more than will be the case after paying the costs involved in the proposed colloboration arrangement with foreign oil companies on such terms and conditions".

In fact, the ONGC's discovery to date of 586 MT of crude in the country has received a general opinion of commendability. That India has only one off-shore drilling rig "Sagarsamrat" out of a total of 586 drilling rigs in the world has had a major part in handicapping ONGC's off-shore explorations.

But the apologists for the ministry will argue: There is no other way for India to fulfill our desperate need for oil. It is high capital, high technology, and high risk ONGC is incapable of making it and MNCs are not available on anything else but their own terms. China has been humoured for geo-political reasons. We cannot expect such soft terms.........etc.

The implication seems to be that inefficiency is "inner nature" to ONGC. With an active demoraliser at the helm, can the ONGC scientists to be expected to be enthusiatic? Have the decision makers ever given the ONGC a real chance to prove its mettle? Is the ONGC organised scientifically, geared to the goal of developing self-reliance in oil technology? Instead, the decision-makers have adopted a policy of sell-out under the pretext that ONGC cannot deliver the goods. So, in sum, the natural development of the Indian economy discourages the growth of science in ONGC.



Author:Madras Group

EDUCATION SYSTEM IN PRE-BRITISH INDIA-SOME EVIDENCE

The present day higher and formal education in our country is based on the system introduced by the British rulers in the last century. It is well known that, in introducing this system of education in India, the main objective of the Britishers was to prepare and train personnel to help in the administrative system they had evolved to rule India. Still, if today the impression persists in some of our countrymen that formal, organized and higher education is one of the 'advantages' arising out of the colonial rule, it is only due to our ignorance of the various social institutions and practices of the pre-colonial period. It is often stated that all we had earlier was an unorganized "Gurukula" type of education which was restricted to a privileged minority constituting the upper castes, and whose purpose was merely to impart instruction in the Vedic lore. To show how unfounded such a belief is, we present here some data on our indigenous education in early 19th century which has been collected by Dharampal. 1

In table I is presented data on schools and colleges in the various collectorates of South India, which is gleaned from the reports made by the various collectors to the Board of Revenue sometime around 1825. It should be noted that the terms ‘schools’ and ‘colleges’ were employed (of course with the prefix 'native’ added) by the collectors themselves, in order to describe these institutions. In one report made by F. W. Robert¬son, the collector of Rajahmandry (Rep. dated 19th Sept. 1823; vide MRO: LQP vol 963, prs. 2-10-1823, pp. 8520—23, Nos. 29—30), it is stated that the school education started at the age of 5 and the period of study ranged from 5 to 7 years. Already in 1825, our local fiscal system had been so thoroughly distorted that Robertson could not find any of these schools being supported by public funds. The scholar had to pay a monthly fee which varied from 2 Annas in some places to as 'high' a fee as one Rupee. On the other hand, the colleges, which were mostly one-man institutions of higher learning in Theology, Law, Astronomy etc., were run on public allowances either in land or in money and even otherwise, the scholars were always taught 'free of any fee or reward '.

We are grateful to Sri Dharampalji for making this data available to us. We understand that he is writing a book on the indigenous education system, which will be published by Impex India, New Delhi. We have no doubt that this is also going to be an important contribution to the study of precolonial Indian society as his earlier book “Indian Science and Technology in the 18th century” (Impex India, 1971).

Though it is clear from the table that there was a wide network of schools and colleges all over South India, it might appear that the overall school-going population is not particularly high. For example, in the 1,200 villages comprising the zillah of Rajahmandry, where the total population was estimated to be 7,38,308, there were only 391schools with the total number of students being 2658. However, it must be noticed that in the same zillah there were 279 colleges with as many as 1454 scholars. This seems to suggest that the 'schools' that have been catalogued are only those institutions where scholars who wanted to go for formal, higher education were trained. In any case, the figures that have been given should not be taken as any kind of an estimate of the extent of literacy -in the population. It should be remembered that traditionally training in the practice of various crafts was acquired in the process of apprenticeship and hence never formed a part of the formal school education network.

One of the most important features of table I is that it gives the distribution of students in terms of caste and sex—and here we let the data speak for themselves on the various hypotheses that have been made on the education pattern in India before the Britishers brought in their 'Universal' education.

In the light of this data we do not know what to make of the sweeping generalizations that have often' been made on the state of education in eighteenth and early nineteenth century India. For example, here is an extract from 'A Concise History of Science in India' (INSA, New Delhi 1971) compiled by the National Commission for the History of Sciences in India :

"Education in India in the early part of the nineteenth century was neither widespread nor designed towards the promotion of science as well as technical arts and crafts. A few centers of learning then functioning in Bengal, Bombay and Madras were largely concerned with traditional learning and narrow scholasticism. In the first two decades of the century a number of missionary schools sprang up, in and near Calcutta, as well as in the presidencies of Bombay and Madras. The distressing fact was that all those institutions, besides being ill-equipped, did not attempt to enthuse the young minds to develop a rational spirit beyond the confines of the traditional ideas". (B.V. Subbarayappa, "Western Science in India" in loc. cit. pp. 541-542).

In table II we give the list of textbooks as were in use in the schools and colleges of Rajahmandry, which was appended by Robertson to his report. This important document gives an idea of the variety of subjects that were taught in these institutions. About the school education, Robertson states that "the scholar is barely taught so much' of the Vedam as will enable him to perform the usual ceremonies of his religion." As regards the 279 colleges in Rajahmandry, the following are the details of the various specializations.

Specialization	No. of Colleges	No. of Scholars
Vedam	185	1,033
Sastrams (Grammar, Logic, Law etc.)	76	358
Jyotisham (Astronomy)	10	49
Andhra Sastram	2	14

The overall picture that emerges from all this is that of a broad - based educational system that has often been claimed to be the ideal discovered by Europe in its modern phase.

In the end we should emphasise that all this data describe the situation as it was in South India after nearly 70 years of colonial rule which divested most of ,our local institutions of their financial support and state assistance. It may be appropriate to quote here a passage from Robertson's report.

"In those villages under my immediate management where there are no schools, I have found the inhabitants very willing to have such established among them, but some assistance from government will be necessary to get things going, say a monthly allowance of Rs. 2/- to each teacher, the scholar to make up the remainder. I shall be prepared to address your Board fully upon the subject should this proposal meet your approval."

Robertson did not have to wait long for the East India Company to make its policy on indigenous education more explicit. In 1823 the General Committee of Public Instruction was set up by the Company. In his report, (Feb. 1835), as President of the Committee, Macaulay stated:

"I think it is clear that we are not fettered by pledge expressed or implied 3; that we are free to employ our funds as we choose; that we ought to employ them in teaching what is best worth knowing; that English is better worth Knowing than Sanskrit or Arabic; that the natives are desirous to be taught English4 and are not desirous to be taught Sans¬krit or Arabic; that neither as the languages of Jaw nor as the languages of religion have Sanskrit and Arabic any peculiar claim to our encourage¬ment; that it is possible to make the natives of this country thoroughly good English scholars and to this end our efforts ought to be directed" (pp. 546 of 'A Concise History of Science in India')

—May we add that our efforts are continuing to be directed to the same end— Long live Macaulay!



Author:Madras Group.

A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS ON INDIAN ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE

In this bibliography, we have tried to cover mainly the first two of the three related sciences, Vastusastra (Architecture), Silpasastra (sculpture) and Citrasastra (painting) For further bibliographical information, we refer the reader to the following works: (1) A. K. Coomaraswamy: Bibliographies of Indian Art, Boston, 1925; (2) Haridas Mitra: Contribution to a Bibliography of Indian Art, Santiniketan, 1951 (Rep. 1980); (3) H: S. Patil arid R. N. Sar (Eds.)': Aspects of Indian Culture, Select Bibliographies, Vol. I. The Arts, Delhi, 1961. Like in all other sciences, the extent of unpublished manuscript literature on vastusastra and silpasastra that is languishing in various archieves and libraries is jindeed enormous, For instance. The Tanjore Saraswati Mahal Library refers in its master index to, 52 silpasastra manuscripts in Sanskrit. It should be noted that several manuscripts also contain extensive marginal notes and comments by the Sthapatis and other artisans of the ancient times, in the various regional languages of India. The book by Haridas Mitra (cited above) contains also a listing of manuscripts.

As regards the secondary sources, it is indeed important to have some idea on how the modern tradition of 'study of Indian architecture' started and how it has evolved. As usual such studies can be traced to William Jones who in his characteristic manner declared that: 'The silpasastra 'or collection of treatises on Arts and Manufactures, which must have contained a treasure of useful information on dying, painting and metallurgy, has been so' long neglected, that few, if any, traces of it are to be found'*. The end of 18th century and early 19th century were also noted for the various discoveries (and descriptive accounts) of several monuments of India by the British military officers, European travelers, etc. discoveries which often had the same significance and consequence as the celebrated 'discovery' of America by Columbus,

The first serious contribution to the study of Indian architecture was the 'Essay on the Architecture of the Hindus by Ram Raz, published (posthumously) in London in 1834. Ram Raz who was a school teacher and later a judge at Bangalore got hold of a traditional text of vastusastra, a fragment of 'Manasara', which he was able to interpret fairly accurately in consultation with a traditionally trained Sanskrit scholar and a 'good sculptor of the cammata tribe well acquainted with the practice of architecture and the terms used in the art'*. Unfortunately Ram Raz's was the only such effort in the whole of 19th century. The person, who had the greatest influence on all the later studies on Indian architecture, was James Fergusson, who came to India as an indigo planter in the 1830's, and spent considerable time in the next 30-40 years in a study of the various monuments of India, ancient as well as those which were then under construction. Fergusson declared that:

'Architecture in India is still s Jiving art, practiced on the principles which caused its wonderful development in Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and there consequently and there alone, the student of architecture has a chance of seeing the real principles of the art in action. In Europe, at the present day, architecture is practiced to a manner so anomalous and so abnormal that few, if any, have hitherto been able to shake off the influence of a false system and see that the art of ornamental building can be based on principles of commonsense; and that when so practiced the result not only is, but must be, satisfactory*.

At the same time, Fergusson was also the father of various misconceptions on Indian architecture such as the GraecoRoman or the Gandharan theory of the inspiration of Buddhist sculpture, attribution of everything 'good' in Indian architecture to foreign influences, the sectarian classification of Indian architecture into various 'styles', etc. Fergusson's views were held as the gospel truth till E. B. Havell demolished most of them early in twentieth century.

While Fergusson at least made passing reference to Ram Raz's pioneering work, and was also willing to observe the Indian architect at work, the whole archaeological tradition that followed him was totally blind to the Indian tradition of architectural science. As a recent authority notes :

The Indian sources for example, continued to be scrupulously avoided. Burgess makes the same feeble reference, to Ram Raz which Fergusson had made thirty years earlier, particularly surprising as Burgess bad worked for sometime at Satrunjaya [Palitans] which had a flourishing school of active traditional architects. When Henry Cousens, Burgess' assistant writing jointly with him In 1903 attempted to use a more extended Indian terminology. Burgess' reaction was somewhat negative on the ground that 'few of these terms are to be found in our lexicons and their precise forms can hardly be controlled out of India'. Cousens own attempt to develop new avenues of approach by working together with traditional architects and texts was in no way pursued'**.

It was only in the early decades of this century that the publication and study of the source works began, and this was all the work of traditional scholars and not archaeIqgists. In the same way, Manmohan Ganguli, Nirmal Kumar Bose and others initiated the process of'learning'from the Indian architects. Even more important has been the expository works on Indian architecture and sculpture by the traditionally trained Sthapatis such as Narmada Shankar and Prabha Shankar Somapura. There is of course enormous work that needs to be done in order to understand and propagate the Indian Science of Architecture; but in order to be able to contribute for this endeavour, our archaelogists and architects trained in the modern schools of architecture have to clearly divest' themselves of the various prejudices that they acquire in the course of their 'training'***.

A. Source Works*

1. Atrisamhita : Samurtarcanadhikarana, Ed. by P. Raghunath Chakravarti and M. Ramakrjshna Kavi, Tirupatr. 1943.

2. Aparajitaprccha of Bhuvanadeva (1213 can): Ed. by P. A. Mankad, Gos 115, Baroda 1950.

3. Abhilashitartha Cintamani (or Manasollasa) of Somesvaradeva (12-13th cer.); [i] Ed. by
R. Shama Sastry, Part1. Mosi69, Mysore 1926. [ii] Ed. by G. K. Shrigondekar, 3 vols. Gos.

4. Ayatatva of Viswakarma: Published with Hindi Translation, Bombay.

5. Kasyapa Silpasastra: [i] .Ed., by Krishna Vinayak Vajhe. ASS 95, Poona 1926 [ii] Patalas 4692 Ed. and Tr. into Tamil by K. S. Subrahmanya Sastri, TSMS 39, 1960.

6. Grhanirmanavyavastha : Ed. with Hindi Translation by Badari Narayana Tripathi, Benaras.

7. Grhavastudarpana : Published in Bangalore.

8. Chitrakarmasastra : Ed. by T. Subraya sastri with translation by Ratanlai M. Mody and G. Venkatachala Sarma, Bangalore 1931.

9. Citralakshana of Nagnajit : [i] Tibetan text Ed. with German translation by Otto Harra'ssowitz,
Leipzingj 1913 [ii] Tibetan text Ed. with English translation by B. N. Goswamy and A. L. Dahmen
Dallapicciola, New, Delhi, 1976.

10. Tantrasamuccaya of Narayana [16 th cen.] : [i] Ed. with Commentary Vimarsint of .Sankara by T. Ganapati Sastri, 2 vols. TSS 67, 71, Trivandrum 1921 [ii] Ed. with M'slayafam Commentary, TMS 64 [iii] Ed. with Commentaries Vimarsini of Sankara and Vivarana of Narayaha Sis hya by V. A. Ramaswamy Sastri, 3 vols., TSS 157, 169, 200, Trivandrum 194462. [iv] Portions translated by N. V. Mallayya in 'Studies in Sanskrit Texts on Temple Architecture with Special Reference to Tantrasamuccaya', Annamalai, 1949.

11. D'evatamurti Prakaranam of Sutradhara Mandana: Ed. with Comm. by Upsndramohan Sankhy'atirtha, " COS 13, Calcutta 1932.

12. Devapratishthatantram of Raghunandana (16th can.) : Ed. by Duhkhi Rama Kavyaratna, Calcutta.

13. Diparnava: Ed. with Gujarati translation by Prabhasankar Oghadbhai Sompura, Bhavnagar, 1960.

14. Nishpannayogavali of. Abhayakara Gupta [1112 cent.]: Ed. by B. Bhattacharya, GOS 109 Baroda, 1949.

15. Pancaratraprasadaprasadhanam [from Padmasamhita] : Ed. with notes by H. Daniel Smith, Madras 1963.

16. Prattmamanalakshana1. [i] Ed. and translated by Phanindranath Bose, POS 18, Lahore 1929, [ii] Ed. and translated by Jitendranath Banerjee in 'The Development of Hindu Iconography Calcutta 1944.

17. Pratimalakshanavidrtana [or Mayasastra]: [i] Ed. by Phanindranath. Basu in 'Principles of Indian Silpasastra', POS 12, Lahore, 1926 [ii] Published with Telugu Notes in 'Mayavastu' Madras 1916.

18. Prayogaparij'ata: Published at New Steam Press, Bombay.

19. Prasadamandana of Sutradhara Mandana: [i] Ed. by CSS 32, Calcutta 1948 [ii] Ed. by Pandit JagadharZadoo, KSS 72, Srinagar 1947. [iii] Ed. with Hindi Tr. by Bhagwandas Jain, Jaipur 1964 [iv] Ed.1 with Gujarati translation by Prabhashankar 0. Sompura, Palitana 1965.

20. Buddha Pratimalakshana: [i] Ed. with Commentary Sambudddabhashita Pratimalakshanavivarani by Haridas Mitra, PSB 48, Benares 1933, [ii] Ed. and translated by Jitendranath ' Banerjea, Jour. Dept. of Letters [Calcutta Univ.] 23, No. 2, 185.

21. Brahmiyacitrakarmasastram: Ed. and translated into Tamil by V. Sundara Sarma and G. Nagaraja Rao, TSMS 86, Tanjore 1960.

22. Bhuvanapradipa [in Prakrit] : Selections Ed. with Orila translation and English explanation by Nirmal Kumar Bose in 'Canons of Orissan Architecture', Calcutta 1932.

23. Manushyalayacandrika: [i] Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri, TSS 56, Trivandrum 1917 [ii] Ed. with Malayalam commentary by Nilakantan Asari, Quilon.

24. Manaiyadisastram [in Tamil] of Maya: Ed. with Tamil commentary by Ramakrishna Siddhanta and Ayyaswami Pillai, Trichi 1885 [Rep. Madras 1935].

25. Maricipatala: [i] Ed. by V. Raghunatha Chakravarti Bhattacharya and Setumadhavacarya, Madras 1926. [ii] Published in Sri Venkateswara Oriental series, Tirupati 1926. [iii] Ed. by K. Sambasiva Sastri, TSS 71, Trivandrum 1935.

26. Mayamata : [i] Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri, TSS 65, Trivandrum 1919, [ii] Ed. with Tamil translation by K.S. Subrahmanya sastri, 2 vols. TSMS 113, 1966, .[iii] Ed. with French translation by Bruno Dagens, 2 vols., Pondicherry 1970, 76.

27. Mayamataya (A Sinhalese summary of Mayamata) ; (i) Portions translated by A. K. Coomaraswamy in Mediaeval Sinhalese Art,' New York 1908 (Rep. 1954), (ii) Ed. with French translation by Jinadasa Liyaratne, Paris 1976,

28. Maya Silpa Sastra (in Tamil) : Tr. in Indian Antiquary 5, 2307, 2937 (1876).

29. Maya Vastu Sastra: Published in Madras 1917.

30. Manasara : Ed. and translated by P. K. Acharya, 2 vols. (Vols. Ml, IV of a series of works on Indian Architecture) Oxford 1933.

31. Yuktikalpataru of Raja Bhoja (11th cent.): Ed. by Pandit Isvar Chandra Sastri, COSI, Calcutta, 1917.

32. Rajadharmakaustubha of Anantadeva (1718 cent).: Ed, by Kamalakara Krishna Smrtitirtfia, GOS 72, Baroda 1945.

33. Rajavallabhamandana of Sutradhara Mandana ; (i) Published in CSS 32, Calcutta 1948.

34. Rupamandana of Sutradhara Mandana : (i) Ed. with Commentary by Upendramohan Sankhyatirtha, COS 13, Calcutta 1932. (ii) Sixth Chapter Ed. and Tr. by R. D. Hingorani, Varanasi 1978, [iii] Hindi Tr. by Balaram Sriyatsava, Delhi.

35. Vastulakshana : Ed. with Malayalam Commentary by S. K. Ramanatha Sastri, MGOS 21, Madras 1950.

36. Vastumuktavali: Published in Benaras 1916.

37. Vasturatnakara : Ed. with Hindi commentary by Vindhyeswari Prasad Dvivedi, Varanasi 1945.

38. Vasturatnavali of Jivanatha Daivajna : Ed. with Hindi translation by Achyutand Jha, HSS 152,an Varanasi 1942.

39. Vastusaravasava : Ed, with Andhratika by Nanjunda Dikshita, Madras.

40. Vastusara of Sitradhara Mandana : Published by Maganlal Karamchand, Ahmedabad 1878.

41. Vastusaraprakarama of Thakur Pheru in Prakrit: Ed. with Gujarati Tr. by Pandit Bhagavandas Jaint, Jaipur 1939,

42. Vastuvidsa : [i] Ed. by. T. Ganapathi Sastri TSS 30, Trivandrum 1913 [it] Ed. with commantary Laghuvivrtti of Mahadeva Sastri by L. A. Ravivarma TSS 142, Trivandrum 1940 [iii] Chapters 16 Tr. by K.S. Ptsharoti, Calcutta Oriental Journal Vols. 1, 2

43. Viswakarmaprakasa : [i] Printed at Sri Venkateswara PressBombay 1895 [ii] Published with Bhashatika, Bombay 1912 [iii] Ed. by Matriprasad Pandey, Benares 1937.

44. Viswakarma Vastusastra : Ed. with Commentary Pramanabodhini of Anantakrishna Bhattaraka by K.
Vasudeva Sastri and N.B. Gadre, TSMS 85, Tanjore 1958.

45. Vishnudha'rmottara Purana : [i] Printed at Sri Venkateswara Press, Bombay 1879, 1912. [ii] Ed. and translated by Stella Kramrisch, asA Treatise on Indian Painting and Image making ' Calcutta 1924 [iii] Part 111 Chapter 41. Ed. by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, Journ. Amer. Or. Soc. 52, 1321 (1932). [iv] Part HI Chapter 43, Tr. by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, in Asutosh Mukherjee CommemorationVolume [v] Ed, and Tr. by Priyabala Shah. GOS, 130, 137, Baroda 1958, 61 [vi] Chitra Sutras, Ed. by C. Sriva ramamurthi. New Delhi 1978.

46. Srlpapraasa of Ramachandra Kaulachara : Ed. and Tr. by A. Boner and Sadasiva Rath Sarma, Leiden 1966.

47. Silparatna of Srikumara (16th cent.): [i] Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri and K. Sambasiva Sastri, 2 vols. TSS 75, 98, Trivandrum 1922, 29. [ii] Portions of Citralakshana Chapter Tr. by Ananda K. Coomaraswamy in Asutosh Memorial Volume, Patna 192628 [Iii] Twenty five chapters Ed. with Tamil Tr. by Devanathachariar, TSMS 90, Tanjore 1961 [iv] Citralakshana Chapter Tr. by Asok Bhattacharya' Calcutta 1974.

48. Silpavishayam (in Malayalam): Ed. by S. K. Ramanatha sastri, MGOS 21, Madras 1950.

49. Silpasastra: [i] Ed. in Oriya character by Mohan Sahu, Cuttack 1923, [ii] Ed. by Jayanatha Anjaria, Ahmedabad 1939. [iii] Ed. with Tr. by Phanindranath Bose POS 17, Lahore 1927 (Rep Delhi 1978).

50. Silpasastra of Narada : Two chapters on painting Ed. and Tr. by V. Raghavan. Jour, of Ind. Soc. of Oriental Art, 3, 1532.

51. Sirpacintamani (in Tamil) of Veerasami Mudaliar : Published in Madras 1921.

52. Sritatvanrdhi of Raja Sri Krishnarala Maharaja: Ed. with Tamil Tr. by K. S. Subranianya Sastri,
3 Vols TSMS 104, tanjore 1963.

53. Shatpancasika : Ed. by K. Madhava krishna sarma, Adyar 1942.

54. Sakaladhikara of Agastya : Ed. with Tamil Tr. by K. Vasudeva Sastri, TSMS 92, Tanjore 1961.

55. Sanatkumara Vastusastram : Published with Audhratika, Madras,

56. Samarangana Sutradhara of Raja Bhoja (11th cent.): [i] Ed. by T. Ganapati Sastri, 2 Vols. GOS 25, 32,'Baroda 1924, 25. [ii] Redacted as 'Samarangana Sutradhara Vastusastram' by Dwijendranath Shukla, Delhi 1965.

57. Saraswatiya Citvakarmasastra : Ed. with Tamil Tr. by K. S. Subrahmanya Sastri, TSMS 87, Tanjore 1960.

58. Sadhanamala : Ed. by B. Bhattacharaya 2 vols. Gos 26, 41, Baroda 1925, 28.

59. Sudhalepavidhanam : Ed. and Tr. by V. V. Sharma Sastri, Ind. Hist. Quart. 3, 5359 (1921).

60. Suprabheda pratishthatantra : Published in Madras 1901.

61. Hayasirsha pancaratra : Portions of Saurakhayda published in Varendra ResearchSeries, Rajshahi.

62.Kshirarnava : Ed. with Gujarati Tr. by Prabha Shankar, O. Sompura, Palitana 1966.

Other Texts:

Arthasastra Chs. 22, 23. Brihat Sambita-Chs. 5358. Matsya purariaChs. 252, 255, 257, 258 262, 263, 266, 270. Garudapurana-Chs. 4548. Agnipurana Chs. 4255, 60, 62, 104. 106 etc.,

B: Select Secondary Literature:

1. P. K. Acharya : Architecture of Manasara Series (i) A Summary of Mariasara, Leiden 1918, (ii) A Dictionary of Hindu Architecture, Oxford 1927,'(iii) Indian Architecture According to Manasara Silpasastra, Oxford 1927, (iv) Architecture of Manasara: 157 plates, Oxford 1933 (v) Hindu Architecture in India and Abroad, Oxford 1942 (vi) An Encyclopaedia of Hindu Architecture, Oxford 1942.

2. V. S. Agrawala : Indian, Art Varanasi'1965.

3. A. S. Altekar, Benares and Saranath, Past and Present, 1947.

4. Jagannath Ambaram: Brihat Silpa Sastra (in Gujarati) Ahmedabad 1939.

5. M. A. Ananthalvar, A. V. T. Iyer and Alexander Rea : Indian Architecture, 3 Vols. Madras 1921 23.

6. P. G. Aravamuthan : Portrait Sculpture in South India, London 1931.

7. Sri Aurobindo : The Significance of Indian Art; Pondicherry. 1940.

8. C P; Venkataramana Ayyer: Town Planning in Ancient Deccan, "Madras 1916.

9. Lingo Babaji : Silpa sastra (in Kannada), Belgaum 1923.

10. Jitendranath Banerjea : The Development of Hindu Iconography, Calcutta1941.

11 Claude Batley: The Design Development of Indian Architecture, London 1934.

12. B. Bhattacharya : (i) Jaina Iconography, Lahore 1939 (ii). Indian Buddhist Iconography, Calcutta 1958.

13. B. Bhattacharya: Tantric Buddhist Iconographic Sources, Delhi1974.

14. Tarapada Bhattacharya : (i) Study of Vastuvidya or Canons of Indian Architecture, Calcutta 1948 (ii) The Canons of Indian Art, Calcutta 1953.

15. George C. M. Birdwood : Industrial Arts of India, London 1880.

16. J. F. Blacker: ABC of Indian Art, London 1922.

17. Alice Boner: (i) Principles of Composition in Indian Sculpture, Leiden 1962 (ii) (with Sadashiva Rath Sarma and Rajendra Prasad Das) New Light on the Sun Temple of Konarka, Varanasi 1972.

18. P. N. Bose : Principles of Indian Silpa. Sastra, Lahore 1926.

19. Percy Brown : Indian Architecture, 2 Vols. Bombay 1942. ."

20. J. Burgess : (i) Ancient Monuments, Temples and Sculptures of India, 2 Vols, London 1897, 1911 (ii) (with H. Cousins) Architectural Antiquities of North Gujarat, London 1913.

21. Catalogue of the Museum of Ornamental Art at Marlborough House, London 1853.

22. R. P. Chanda: Medieval Indian Sculpture, London 1936.

23. Pramod Chandra : Studies in Indian Temple Architecture, Bombay.1975.

24. K. De. B. Codrington : An Introduction to the study of Medieval Indian Sculpture, London 1929.

25. H. Cole: (i) Catalogue of the objects of Indian Art' Exhibited in the. South Kensington Museum, London 1874. (ii) The Architecture of Ancient Delhi, Lahore 1884.

26. Anand K. Coomaraswamy: (i) Medieval Sinhalse Art, London 1908, (ii) Essays in National Idealism, Columbo 1909 (iii) The Indian Craftsman, London 1909. (iv) Art and Swadeshi Madras 1911 (v) The Arts and crafts of India and Ceylony, Edinburgh1913 (vi) Viswakarma, London 1914 (vii) Rajput Painting, London 1916 (viii) The Dance of Shiva, New York 1918 (ix) History of Indian and I Indonesian Art, New York 1927 (x) Yakshas, 2 Vols., Washington 1928 (xi) Transformation of Nature in Art, Cambridge 1934 (xii) Elements of Buddhist Iconography? Cambridge 1935 (xiii) Asiatic Art, Chicago 1938. (xiv) . The Christian And Oriental Art, London 1943 (xv) Bugbear of Literacy,

27. RovC. Craven: A Concise History of Indian Art.

28. Bruno Dagens: Les [Enseignements Architecture de 1 Ajitagama etdu Rauravagama, Pondicherry 1977.

29. S. C. Dasgupta : Origin and Evolution of Indian Clay sculpture, Calcutta. 1961.

30. S. N. Dasgupta: Fundamentals of Indian Art, Bombay 1954.

31. M. A. Dhaky: (i) (with J. M. Na'navati) Ceilings in the Temples of Gujarat, Baroda Museum 1963(ii) (with J. Mt NaViavati) Maitraka and Saindhava Temples of Gujarat, Ascona 1969 (iii) The Indian Tempie Forms, Delhi 1977.
32. P. N. Dubash : Hindoo Art in Its Social;Setting, 1936.

33. G. Jouveau Dubreuil : (i) Archaeologie du Sud de I' Inde, 2 vols; Paris 1914; Abridged Tr. of vol by S. Krishnaswamy Iyengar, Madras 1917 (ii) iconography of Southern India, London 1932.

34. B. B. Dutt: Town Planning in Ancient India, Calcutta' 1925.

35. Charles Fabric : AnIntroduction to Indian Architecture, Bombay 1963:

36. James Fergusson: (i) flock cut .Temples of India, London 1845, (ii) picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architecture in Hindustan (London 1867) (iii) On the study of Indian Architecture, London 1867 . (iv) History of I ndian and Eastern Architecture, 1877. (v) (with J. Burgess) Cave Temples of India, London 1880'.

37. Louis Frederic: Indian Temples and Sculpture, London 1959.

38. Manmohan Ganguly: Orissa and Her Remains,.Calcutta 1912.

39. O. C. Ganguly : (i)J South Indian Bronzes, Calcutta .1915 (ii) Indian Architecture, Bombay 1946 (iii) Ragas and Raginis : A Pictorial and Iconographic Study,'2 vols. Bombay 1948.

40: G. S. Ghurye : Rajput Architecture, Bombay 1968.

41. H. Goetz : India : Five Thousand years of Indian Art, Baden Baden 1964.

42. F: H. Gravely : (i). (with T. N. Ramachandran) The Three Main Styles of Temple Architecture Recorded by Silpa Sastras, Madras Museum 1934 (ii) An Outline of Indian Temple Architecture, Madras Museum 1936 (iii) (with C. Sivaramamurthy) A1 Guide to( South Indian Architecture and Sculpture, Madras Museum 1939.

43. F. SI Growse : Mathura : A District Memoir, 3rd Ed. London 1883'.

44. R. S. Gupte : Iconography of the Hindus, Buddhists and Jains, Bombay.

45. E.SB. Havell : (i) Benares, London 1905 (ii) Indian Sculpture and Painting, London 1908 (iii) Essays on Indian Art, Industry and Education Madras 1910 (iv) The Basis for Artistic and Industrial Revival of India, Adyar. 1912 (y) Jndian Architecture : Its Psychology, Structure, and History from Muhammadah Invasion to the Present day, London: 1913 (vi) Ancient and Meievaf Architecture? of India; London; 1915 (vii) Ideals of Indian Art, London 1920 (viii) A Hand book of Indian Art, London 1920 (ix) The Himalayas Indian Art, London T924.

46. M. Hiriyanna : Art Experience, Mysore 1954.

47. O. Jones : The Grammer of Ornament; London 185&48V Chintamarii Kar: Classical Indian Sculpture, London 1950.

49. G. H. Khare ; Murtivijnana, Poona 1939.

50. Joseph Kolmas : The Iconography of the Derge Kanjur arid Tarijur.

51. Stella Kramrisch : (i) The Indian Sculpture, Calcutta' 1933 (ii) the Hindu Temple, 2 Vols, Calcutta 1946 (iii) Art of India, London 1954.

52. Curt Maury: Folk Origins of Indian Art, Mew York 1969.'

53. IndumatiMishra : Pratima Viindham (in Hindu), Varanasi.

54. R. N. Mishra : Ancient Artists and Art Activity, Simla 1975.

55. Ggorge Mitchell: The Hindu Temple : An Introduction to its Meaning and Forms; London 1977.

56. Rajendralala Mitra : Antiquities of Orissa, Calcutta 1875.

57. Partha Mitter: Much Maligned Monsters : History of European Reactions, to Indian Art, Oxford 1977.

58. Radhakamal Mukerjee : The Flowering of Indian Art, Bombay 1964.

59. Meera Mukherjee : Metal draftsmen of India; Calcutta 19781.

60. T. N. Mukherjee : Art Manufactures of India Compiled for Glasgow International Exhibition 1888.

61. R. NagasamY The Art of Tamil Nadu, Madras 1971.

62. R. Nath : History of Mughal Architecture, 4 vols. 1982.

63. Sten.Nilsson: European Architecture in India : 17501850, London 1065.

64. Deenabandhu Pandey: (i) Notes on Indian Iconography; Varanasi 1975 (ii) Deva Pratimavijnam (in Hindi) Varanasi.

65. Jose Pereira : Elements of Indian Architecture, Delhi 1983.

66. S. Piggot: Some Ancient cities of India, Bombay ,1945.

67. Govinda Krishna Pillai : The Ways of the Silpis; Hindu 'Approach to Art arid Science, Allahabad 1948.

68. Suresh B. Pillai : Introduction to the Study of Temple Art, Thanjavur 1976.

69. B. N. Puri : Cities of Ancient India, Meerut 1966.

70. T N. Gopinath Rao : (i) The Elements of Hindu Iconography, 2 Vols, Madras 1914, (ii) Talaman or Iconometry, Calcutta 1920.

71. S. K. Ramachandra Rao : (i) Murtisilpa : Nele Hinnele (in Kannada) Bangalore 1975 (ii) The Indian Temple Its Meaning, Bangalore 1979.

72. Heimo Rau ; Reflection on Indian Art, Delhi.

73. Amita Ray : Village Town and Secular Buildings in Ancient India, Calcutta 1964.

74. Nihar Ranjan Ray : An Approach to Indian Art, Chandigarh 1974.

75. D. Raychaudhuri: Indian Sculpture, Madras 1942.

76. Ram Raz: Essay on the Architecture of the Hindus, London 1834.

77. A. Rodin : (with E. B.Havell and A. K. Coomaraswamy) Sculptures Civaites, Paris 1921.

78. B. Rowland: The .Art and Architecture of India: Buddhist, Hindu Jain, Baltimore 1953.

79. S. Roy: Story of Indian Archaelogy, Delhi 1961.

80. George Sanderson and J. Begg: Types of Modern Indian Buildings, Allahabad 1913.

81. S. K.Saraswati: A Survey of Indian Sculpture, Calcutta 1957.

82. D. N. Shukla : (i) Vastushostra or Hindu Science of Architecture and Hindu Canons of Iconography (in Hindi and English), Chandigrah, 1960 (ii) Samarangana Sutradhara Vastusastra (in Hindi), Lucknbw.

83.William Simpson: Origin and Development of Indian and Eastern Architecture, London 1891.

84. C. Sivaramamurthy; (i) Indian Sculpture, Delhi ,1982. (ii) Indian Bronzes, Bombay 1962, (iii) The Art of India. New York 1976 (iv) Approach to Nature in Indian Thought, Delhi 1980.

85. Vincent A. Smith: , History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, London 1911.

86. Narmadashankar M. Sompura : (i) Silparatriakara (in Gujarat) Ahmedabad.

87. Prabhashankar O. Sompura: (i) Bharatiya Silpa Samhita, Varanasi (ii) with Madhusudana Dhakyj, Bharatiya Durga Vidhan (in Gujarati) Bombay 1971.

88. K. V. Soundarajan: Indian Temple Styles, New Delhi 1972.

89. P. H: Srinivasan : Bronzes of South India, Madras 1963.

90. Rabindranath Tagore: On Art and Aesthetics: A Selection, Calcutta 1961.

91. S. P. Tewari: Hindu Iconography, Delhi 1979.

92. Sidney Toy: The Strongholds of India, London 1957.

93. K.JM. Varma : Indian Technique of Clay Modeling, Shantiniketan 1970.

94. Girishchandra Vedanatatirtha : Pracina Silpa Paricaya (in Bengali), Calcutta 1970.

95. A.V. Volwahsen : Living Architecture : Indian, London 1969.

96. George Watt: Industrial'Arts of India, London 1912.

97. H. Zimmer: (i) The Art of Indian Asia, New York 1955 (ii) Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilisation, London 1962:

98. La Roche: Indische Bau Kunst, 6 Vols, Berlin, 1921-22.



Author:Madras Group