REPORTS & BOOK REVIEW

REPORT ON THE SEMINAR ON ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICS IN ANCIENT AND MEDIEUAL INDIA: A DIALOGUE BETWEEN TRADITIONAL SCHOLARS AND UNIVERSITY-TRAINED SCIENTISTS, CALCUTTA, 19th - 21st MAY, 1987

This conference organised by the Asiatic Society and Council '"for Philosophical Research was planned to be a Foundational and Methodological issues in Indian Astronomy and Mathematics between Pandits and Modern Scientists: In fact the following questions (mostly pertaining to foundations of mathematics) were circulated prior to the conference as the issues for the dialogue session.

1. What is the nature of mathematical knowledge? How does it differ from, say, knowledge in Ayurveda on the one hand and from Linguistics and Astronomy on the other?

2. What is the nature of those objects whose knowledge is sought in the science of mathematics? Are they, like other spatio-temporal objects whose knowledge is sought in the various sciences? If not how are these objects encountered in experience to become objects of knowledge?

3. How Ms mathematical knowledge validated? Is this process of validation essentially different from that which obtains in the other Sastras?

4. What is the relation between different branches of mathematics? Are these different branches concerned with varieties of the same object or of different objects? If the latter is the case, what is the point of grouping them under one discipline?

5. Is Astronomy the only science which has to use mathematics as a necessary instrument for its study? If so, what are the special characteristics of the object of astronomical knowledge which necessitate this?

The conference was attended by over 50 scientists and by only about half a dozen pandits. For this and for various other organizational reasons (which are perhaps inevitable in a pioneering effort like this) the intended dialogue did not, so to say, take off. In fact the first two days of the conference were mainly devoted to the pre-sentation of papers on the Indian tradition in astronomy and mathematics. While these papers did bring out lot of interesting perhaps novel -features of the Indian tradition, in astronomy mathematics, hey were mostly confined to the standard pattern of research in history of Indian Science which is one of enumeration of particular results or achievements of Indian astronomers and mathematicians.

It was pointed out right at the outset by Prof. K.V.Sharma (Adyar Library and Research Centre that for an effective dialogue between pandits and modern scientists there should be a serious effort on the part of the latter to understand the methodology, and the world views of the Indian tradition in science. He pointed that there were Indeed quite a few already published texts, which provided an idea of what he called "the mental makeup” of the traditional Indian scientists.

There was an interesting paper of by Prof. Amalendu Bandhopadhyay (Positional Astronomy Centre, Calcutta) on the astronomical work of, Chandrasekhara Samanta, the 19th century astronomer from Orlssa. His discovery of all the major corrections to lunar motion (namely eviction, variation and annual equation) and his corrections to solar parallax were highlighted by the speaker. He also mentioned of a plan to publish a new edition of Chandrasekhara Samanta's work 'Siddanta Darpan' with an English translation. Another interesting paper on Indian astronomy was that of Shri S.Hariharan (Bangalore) which described the method of the Kerala astronomer Madhava- (AD 1342-1455) to find the declination of the moon and the planets while not moving on the ecliptic. He also pointed out how Madhava's correction was later rediscovered by Tycho Brahe in Europe. Prof.S.N.Sen (Asiatic Society) presented a new analysis of the planetary theory of the Indian astronomers. He argued that the procedure of first correcting the planetary positions by half the so called "sighra and manda corrections ensures that the theoretical approximation made in computing these corrections become in some sense optimal.

Pandit Bibhutl Bhushan Bhattacharya (Banaras) presented a very interesting paper which brought out how some of the methods and procedures of Indian mathematics have been misunderstood by Europe-in mathematicians both at the time of European Renaissance (when Indian mathematical results, especially in Arithmetic and . Algebra were; introduced in a big way into Europe) and even later. His comments mainly concerned the Trairasika or the rule of three, the Citi Ganita or Combinatirics and Sredhi Ganita or theory of progressions and series. Pandit Bhattacharya argued that Indian Sredhi Ganita incorporates most of the methods for which modern mathematics resorts to infinitesimal calculus. He also drew attention to the unfortunate fact that many pandits at the Banaras Sanskrit College in the last century (even illustrious ones like Pandit Bapudev Sastri and Pandit Sudhakara Dwivedi) were persuaded to adopt the obscure European interpretations, which had left a lot of confusion in the Uabi and text books of various Sanskrit Colleges, which continues even today.

Amongst other interesting papers on Indian mathematics was the paper by Navjyoti Singh (N1STADS, New Delhi) on the mathematics of asankhyata or unnameable finite numbers, developed in Oainai tradition, and the paper by Dr.R.C.Gupta (University of Ranch!), on the derivation of the formula for volume of the sphere In Indian, Chinese and European traditions.

Perhaps the most Interesting sessions of the conference were those held on the last day to discuss the various questions that were circulated (listed above). A few key-note papers were presented to initiate a dialogue on these issues. The speakers were Dr.V.Shekhawat (Rajasthan Untversity), Pt. Bibhuti Bhattacharya, Sri Navjyoti Singh, Dr.M.D.Srinivas (University of Madras) and Prof.D.K.SInha (Calcutta University). Many important foundational Issues were brought out during the course of these presentations and the discussions that followed.

The first issue that was deal with was the nature of mathematical objects as understood in the Indian tradition, especially 1n the Sankhya and Nyaya - Vaiseshika Darshanas. This led to various issues of contemporary interest in Foundations of Mathematics. The unresolved issues In (the contemporary debates on Foundations of mathematics between the Platonists, Formalists and Inst1tut1onists were highlighted. So also was the .currently existing gap between the philosophy of mathematics and the working philosophy of a mathematician. The fact that there 1 does not exist fan adequate philosophical account of the nature of mathematics and even more so of the nature of creativity 1n mathematics (in other words,1 of the mathematical activity Itself) was Hicr.jecpH at some length.

All this led to the question of what the Indian, views on the Foundations of Mathematics are. It became clear soon, that so far very little work has been done 1n recent times to explicate the foundational methodology of, the Indian tradition of astronomy and mathematics, The already (printed source materials are perhaps adequate to show that the Indian scientists did place very great emphasis on methodological and foundational issues in mathematics and astronomy. It was pointed out that the already published commentaries of some of the major works (such as the commentaries of Ganesa Daivajna and Krishna Daivajana on the works of Bhaskaracharya) show that the Indian scientists provide upapattis (demonstrations' or almost every result or procedure discovered by them. An these upapattis should throw much light on the fecundation methodologies of Indian mathematics and astronomy. It was pointed that the Indian notion of upapattis was perhaps very different from the, 'Greek or the modern Western notions of "proof" where the attempt was to prove the "absolute truth” of a mathematical statement proofs) for analysis of by deriving 1t from a set of postulates. The purpose of upapatti was more to convince or make clear given result or a procedure. While systematic logical- argumentation was involved in providing an % upapattl, there seems to be no stress on starting from a set of postulates considered as given, once and for all. Another important feature of the Indian methodology of mathematics is that the nature of mathematical objects as understood in Indian tradition does seems to play a crucial role in the kinds of upapattis or demonstrations provided in it. Even more significant seems to be fact that the method of indirect proof (or reduction ad absurdum") is acceptable only for providing the non-existence of an entity. The Indian mathematicians will not accept any proof of existence solely based upon the method of indirect proof. And in this sense they display what Is today termed, a constructivist approach to the question of mathematical existence.

In the course of discussions it became clear that a study of the methodology of Indian mathematics and astronomy would throw up a whole lot of interesting problems and even many novel directions of research of contemporary interest. A reference was made to current work in theoretical computer science showing the optimality of the Indian procedures for solving indeterminate equations It was emphasized that at least now we should make a departure from the conventional approach to the study of history of science in India, which was so far exclusively oriented to recounting some of the results and achievements of Indian science to the utter neglect of the methodologies, and philosophy of science in India. The conference therefore adopted the following resolutions:
Serious research work should be initiated on the methodology, and foundations of mathematical sciences in India (1) with a view to placing the Indian tradition in mathematical sciences in the proper perspective and -(2) with a view to foster creative use of insights from the Indian tradition in mathematical sciences in current research. In order to undertake such research it is very essential that the vast source materials (mostly in manuscript form) on Indian mathematical sciences should be made accessible to our scholars in * microfilm or, preferably in published form, on a priority basis".



BOOK REVIEW

INDIAN ASTRONOMY: A SOURCE BOOK By B. V. Subbarayappa and K. V. Sarma (Nehru Center, Bombay, 1985)
This compilation of about 3,000 verses (mostly in Sanscrit) from various Indian astronomical texts has been published by the Nehru Centre and was released during the General Assembly of the International Astronomical Union held in New Delhi in 19CJ6. The source verses, together with English translation, have been compiled under 5 major divisions. The section on "General Ideas and Concepts deals with Jyothisastra and its place in Indian literature, the qualities of an astronomer, the basic cosmological ideas on the universe, the sun, moon, stars, planets and the earth, Indian number system and the Indian measures of time. The second section on Astronomical Instruments deals with the armillary sphere, descriptions of some of the instruments in the various observatories and descriptions of other instruments. The third section on Computations' includes an explanation of the five constituents (Panchanga) of the Indian Calender, enumeration of stars, detailed procedures for calculating longititudes of planets, the effects of precession of equinoxes and gnomonic calculations. The section on Occulatiori deals with the computations of eclipses, phases of the moon, heliacal raising and setting of planets and stars, and conjunctions of stars and planets. The last section on "Innovative Trends deals with some novel innovations of the Indian astronomers and some of the rationales provided in the Indian astronomical texts.

In their introduction, the authors briefly deal with the development of Indian astronomy. Most of the issues dealt with pertain to the earlier periods, (say prior to 12th century) and very little is said on the recent period (say 16-I9th century). However in their own "Select Bibliography of (source works in) Indian Astronomy', appended to the text, the authors cite about 50 works written prior to 12th century, about 75 works written between 12-15th centuries and about 165 works written between 16-19th centuries. Most of these later works are yet to be studied in any depth and detail the Source Book, abounds in highly valuable and interesting quotations from our great astronomers. We shall here give two quotations, just to give a flavour of their writings and their thinking. The following is a statement from the 16th century Kerala Text Orikkarana (In Maloyalam) which gives a brief chronology of the series of Improve-ment? that the Kerala astronomers made in their theory, on the basis of astronomical observations.

The Source Book, abounds in highly valuable and interesting quotations from our great astronomers. We shall here give two quotations, just to give a flavour of their writings and their thinking. The following is a statement from the 16th century Kerala Text Orikkarana (In Maloyalam) which gives a brief chronology of the series of Improve-ment? that the Kerala astronomers made in their theory, on the basis of astronomical observations.

Now, I shall set out in brief what the early astronomers enunciated. Before Kali 3000 (100 BC), the eclipses and other observed phenomena did not tally with the astronomical manuals or the Siddhantas. Then, in the Kali year jnanatunga* (3600=A.D.499) an astronomer by name, Aryabhata was born in this world. In the Kali year glritunga (3623=A.D. 522) was his work Aryabhatiya composed and therein he enunciated the revolutions (of the planets). He had adjusted these revolutions by reduction and addition in such a way that there was non zero-correction at the beginning of Kali. In course of time, deviations were observed in (the results arrived at by) this computation. Then, in the Kali year Mandasthala (3785=A.D 684) equivalent to Saka tanuta (606), several astronomers gathered together and devised, through observation, (a system) wherein (the correct mean longitudes were to be found) by multiplying the current Kali vear glritunga (Kali 3623, viz., the Aryabhatan epoch) as directed by the Vagbhaya, i.e. bhatabda or sakabda, correction enunciated by Haridatta and applying the correction.

This system was termed Parahita and many followed it, assuring them of its accuracy. When a long time had lapsed, there occurred substantial deviations. Then (Paramesvara), a nobel brahmana residing on the coast of the western ocean, revised it (i.e. the Parahita system) by means of (astronomical) observation, Tn tFe Kali year rangasobhanu (4532=A.D. 1431)... The work Tantrasangraha (by Tlilakanta), (with revised constants) is Tor twelve years later. The revolutions given therein (i.e. in Tantrasangraha) too, becoming imperfect (in course of time), observations were continued by the astronomers on the west coast for thirty years, from the Kali year jasustaya (4678=A.D. 1577) to the Kali year janaseva nu (4708=A.D. 1607) and,.by observation, the astronomical tradition was revised accurately. Hencefore, too (the deviations) that would occur should be carefully observed (and revisions effected).

Here is another quotation from the 16th century Kerala astronomer Neelakantha Somayajin, ,which very clearly sets forth the Indian epistemological position concerning theories in natural sciences.

Commentator on the-Hanasa (viz. Laghumanasa of Munjala) has lamented: Indeed, the Tiddhantas, like Paitamaha, differ from one another (in giving the astronomical constants). Timings are different as the Siddhantas differ (i.e. measures of time at a particular moment differs as computed by the different Siddhantas). When the computed timings differ, Vedic and domestic rituals, which have (correct) timings as a component (of their, performance) go astray. When rituals go astray, worldly life gets disrupted. Alas we have been precipitated into a big calamity'.

Here; it needs to be stated: "0 faint-hearted, there is nothing to be despaired of. Wherefore does anything remain beyond the ken of that intent on serving at the feet of the teachers (and thus gain knowledge)? One has to realise that the five Siddhantas had been correct (only) at a particular time. Therefore, one should search for a Siddhanta that does not show discord with actual observations has tb be ascertained by (astronomical) observers during times of eclipses etc, When Siddhantas show discord, observations should be made with the use of instruments and the correct number of revolutions etc., (which would give results which accord with actual observation) found, and a new Siddhanta enunciated.

In his preface to the book, Dr. Raja Ramanna, General Secretary of Nehru Centre, and then Chairman of Atomic Energy Commission, states: A fact of great importance is that India has produced a vast 1iterature" on different aspects of astronomy. According to the American scholar, David,Pingree, who has surveyed extensively the Jyotisa literature of India, it would appear that more than 1,00,000 manuscripts on Jyotisa (including astronomy and astrology) still survive in the public and private repositories in India and outside, of which)a very substantial part, running to several thousands, relates to astronomy... The scientific manuscript wealth of India is indeed enormous. An authentic discovery of India's scientific heritage demands uncritical evaluation of the original sources and a rational presentation of the scientific heritage, through original sources. Guided by this view, Nehru Centre, as part of its Discovery of India Project, took a step in this direction two years ago leading to the present publication.

While the source book is indeed an admirable effort and a very useful compendium, the material contained therein is mostly that which has already been printed and translated. It does not take us far in the process of authentic discovery of India's scientific heritage, which would involve a complete compilation publication and critical study of' the enormous "scientific manuscripts wealth of India.

In fact, Indian scholars are yet to make even a list of what are indeed the manuscripts of Jyotish which was estimated by Pingree to be of over 1,00,000 in extent." Let us hope that the "Discovery of India Project' of the Nehru Centre or some of our national research centers will indeed initiate the collection of these manuscripts at one or several centers in India and their study and analysis. There is also an urgent need for a systematic exposition of Indian astronomy and mathematics in modern Indian languages and English, not in the form of translation of texts, but nevertheless employing only the Indian technical terms and concepts. This would enable our young students' in schools and colleges to understand the methodology - (the simplicity as well as sophistication of the concepts and procedures) of Indian mathematics and astronomy.



Author:M.D. Srinivas



Note:

* See for instance: C.O. Selenius: Rationale of the Chakrayala Process of Jayadeva and Bhaskara II, Historia Mathematica 2, 167-184 (1984); Subhash Kak: Computational Aspects of the Aryabhata." Algorithm, Indian Journal of History of Science," 62-71 (1986).

WORLD BANK/EEC JOINT REVIEW MISSION ON OPERATION FLOOD II

Claude Alvares has sent us a letter about the latest World Bank/EEC Joint Review Mission on Operation Flood II. He states that this document was released last month in Europe, yet the two organizations responsible for Operation Flood, the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB) and the Indian Dairy Corporation (IDC) have tried their level best to keep it from the Indian press and public for obvious reasons. Briefly, the World Bank/EEC report recommends that India should no longer receive milk aid from Europe, It also makes a number of other startling assertions it questions for instance the claim that the project has helped women or the poor; it no longer accepts the Anand model as appropriate for uncritical replication all over India. It does not believe that any Operation Flood dairies are running at profit. It therefore accepts that many of the claims of the Operation Flood authorities were plain propaganda.

Not that the World Bank and the EEC: the two principal financiers of Operation Flood, are not themselves also responsible for the fiasco,, which they now lament, and try to distance themselves from. For years, they supported the project; blandly accepting data on the project's progress churned out by the NDDB/IDC, and ignored the critics. Now their total volte face becomes a major assault on their own credibility. Anyhow, now that the World Bank/EEC team has finally agreed that much of the white revolution was indeed a "White lie", I hope the media and the government itself will take a greater interest in the project, instead of continuing to abdicate responsibility in favour of the Amul lobbies' advertisements. Firm action needs to be taken right now before the damage done to the structure of Indian dairying and i.e genuine economic development becomes5 irreversible.

We are publishing below, some extracts from the above report –Editor


EXTRACTS FROM THE REVIEW MISSION REPORT ABOUT INDIA'S OPERATION FLOOD II ACTIVITIES (DECEMBER 1986) (Commission of the European Communities/World Bank)
1. MAIN FINDINGS ON THE ISSUES UNDER INVESTIGATION

1.1 An overall view:

Activities and project -implementation are on the whole, more advanced in those milk sheds where investments were started during Operation Flood phase, not only because more technical and financial effort, over a longer period,! was applied in organizing dairy cooperates and milk marketing facilities, but because they were located in areas where overall conditions favored dairy development. Notwithstanding the high standard of the operational abilities of the professional management, the planned and approved scale of Operation Flood II project was too ambitious. The increase in scale between Operation Flood ll and Operation Flood II was too large in relation to the need to adapt to the very diversified situation. Although the original Operation Flood II plan was considered over optimistic from the beginning, and revised lower targets were incorporated into the World Bank appraisal report, nevertheless the scope of the project remained quite unrealistic and very demanding upon the project authorities. Quantitative activity achievements are fairly impressive, markedly in the areas of farmers' enrollment and processing infrastructure. The original quality standards have suffered somewhat, as observation by a number of people in several places during mission field visits and discussion with project authorities have confirmed.

The quality of achievement is quite uneven across India and the States, pranging from very satisfactory to disappointing. The situation has become very complex and very demanding in terms of rationalizing present operations and building on them. Major issues of research and marketing strategies are not at present given the proper organizational attention and coordination. In the struggle against rural poverty, appropriate dairy development has a role to-play and a potential according to many authoritative sources. State and Union Government dairy sector, planning are at present not strong enough to coordinate efforts in tapping such a potential and to take account the peculiarities of regional technical economic and political situations.

1.2 Findings on specific issues:

The findings are summarized by the following major subjects in the report.

1.2.1. The structure of the Indian dairy sector:

1. The dairy sector in India is very much part of the total agrarian economy: it- is conditioned by the crop production with which it relates in varying complementarities according to the various ecological and socio-economic situations in the Indian sub-continent. Complementarities are strong in the use of labour and especially in the use of agricultural .by-products for cattle feeding. Draught power generation is the main objective of cattle rearing; draught animals have the main claim on feed resources. Milk production comes next. This leads to the majority of cattle and buffaloes in India being underfed and consequently of low milk productivity compared to their potential.

2. The growth rate of milk production recorded in official data appears to be overestimating real growth. A rise in production, at the all-India level, seems related to the increased availability of feedstuffs due to crop production increases.

3. The consumption of milk products is very unevenly spread over Indian households. Access, to milk consumption is more unevenly distributed than that of food grain. There are wide variations in milk consumption due to regional, urban/rural and income differential's. Given present expenditure elasticities and income distribution in India, it would appear that measures improving the income distribution can Have a strong impact on the demand for milk and milk products.

1.2.2. The balance of supply and demand:

1. The figures presented by project authorities regarding increase 1n procurement over the last four years have to be interpreted cautiously, as they refer to a growing number of districts from which milk is procured. Based on one identical core set of districts, the annual increase of total procurement between 1982-83 is about 14%.

The temporary over-extension of existing capacity in some situations, due to the high increase of procurements, has been the result of a complex interaction of several factors-, among which price policies, marketing problems and also an ill-managed policy of producer enrollment in the programme as well as the geographic extension of the area covered under Operation Flood II are most important than a substantial increase in production.

2. A dominant characteristic of the Indian dairy industry is the relatively small volume entering the formal processing and marketing sector. The modern organized sector (public, cooperative and private) controls around 11% of the total production, of which only 5% is marketed as liquid pasteurized milk. The traditional raw milk trade still represents the largest share in liquid milk marketing and, notwithstanding all its defects, it still provides, an essential service to both producers and consumers. If properly organized and within reasonable, proximity to most larger towns and cities it can deliver good quality milk to consumers while at the same time providing the producers with a reasonable share of the final price.

3. Internal production of dairy products (SMP and butter) has reached , the levee that India's import of commodities for recombination into liquid milk during the lean season can be reduced substantially or terminated. Materially, at least, self sufficiency seems close to being reached. However the use of indigenously produced milk power and butter for recombination would indeed have to be subsidized given the present internal pricing structure. The finance needed for the recurrent operation is more or less equivalent to the income which IDC earns out of its present financial assets as interest. As an alternative, consumer prices for liquid milk in metropolitan areas would have to be raised.

1.2.3 The Operation Flood cooperative model :

1. The model adopted by project authorities, developed from experience in the pre-Flood in Gujarat, can be seen in its two fundamental aspects: the organizing of producers cooperatives to control (ownership and management) the overall marketing of milk, and the high capital investment for the milk processing and distributing Infrastructure.

2. The essential characteristics of the cooperative model are an apex organization (a State Cooperative Milk Marketing Federation) responsible for the planning and implementation for each State's programme for dairy development; and Village., Milk Producers cooperatives associated at district level to Milk Producers Union which are members of the State Federations and receive assistance under Operatopm Flood II through them. The financial, technical and organizational assistance is provided by two national organisations: The Indian Dairy Corporation financial aspects, including the handling of donated commodities and the National Dairy Development Board (Technical aspects including the organization of cooperatives and R & D).

3. The cooperative model is a sound one, but its replication to all the very diversified ecological and structural conditions in India has encountered difficulties. The model, while being a welcome supplement to the traditional ways of dairying in the country by contributing to the marketing of liquid milk over relatively long distances, has had the effect of developing a high technology dairy industry operating at high costs.

4. The cooperative development approach adopted during the Operation Flood II period, although a necessity, suffers from the fact that it is a top to bottom one. Large variations in cooperative performance and basic institutional set-up have been documented. In many cases, variations were appropriate ate adaptations to local ecological, social and political situations. In some cases, either the inapplicability of the model or the rigidity of its application has led to substantial -delays or failure.

5. Given the size and structure of the Indian market for milk there 1s room both for expansion of' the same model as well as for alternative organisations. Private dairy projects can be adapted successfully to local conditions, by introducing elements of competition to the organised cooperative sector which can help the development of the dairy industry.

1.2.5. The structure of milk production and input services:

1. Animal feed resources are generally scarce and of indifferent quality, apart from limited irrigated areas where complementarily of dairy activity and crop production is particularly strong. Fodder production development nas been attempted but the response to date has been negligible,

2. Genetic improvements of milk animals through the cross-breeding programme have had only limited success to date. Apart from some regions, cross-breeding as a I generalized technique for yield improvements has failed due to the very special technical, structural and economic conditions needed to make it economically interesting to farmers. "The cross-breeding programme has failed in1 not taking into account the variability of milk yield in first generation cross-breed cows at farm level. Moreover to date, Insufficient attention has been given to the improvement of the indigenous dairy cattle and upgrading of buffaloes and the seasonal variability of production has not been overcome even where substantial increases of cow milk have been obtained.

3. Among the inputs provided under the programme, veterinary services have made a substantial contribution to animal health in the cooperative sector. Even with their many weaknesses and problems, the contribution of Government-services run by various Animal Husbandry and veterinary services must be recognized as the main agents for dairy development in the past and they will continue to have an important part to play in the future. Proposals to dovetail the cooperative sector and the State Government Inputs programme are recommendable.

However, the present project activities should be enlarged in this area to make them cheaper and more effective.

1.2.9 Analysis of the financial statements of selected operations:

1. The majority of operations were either in a break-even or in a repeated annual loss situation. With adjustment for subsidies given by IDC practically all operations would show a loss situation, some coming into a very dramatic situation Indeed. The situation applies to Mother Dairies (Delhi and Calcutta) which are trading at a special advantage according to the analysis performed.

2. From the analysis of the financial records, IDC appeared to be an extremely strong financial institution by 1985/86.

3. The financial reporting of expenditure by IDC is organised according .to 10 action Items and by sub action-items 1n general. Any further disaggregation could not be obtained. The method of accounting used by IDC is a major weakness in the control system, since it prevents internal cost monitoring and management and the carrying out of ex-post cost effectiveness analysis.

2.3 The Input service programme:

3. Genetic upgrading of .milk animals should be oriented towards Indigenous breeds which, within specific ecological regions, have proved to have a milk potential, and towards buffaloes. Specific research efforts should be directed at dealing effectively with seasonality in breeding. Cross-breeding programmes should be implemented only in those areas where climatic conditions are suitable and adequate fodder and good veter1nar-y Infrastructures are available. The social stratification of producers and their level of institutional organization should also be taken care of 1n order to minimize the inevitable unequal1s1ng, Income effects which accompany an major (technological changes; large farmers, with greater capital resources and ability to bear higher risk, may derive undesirable advantages from the technical change.

2.6 Question related to the policy of imports:

1. As already discussed, at present the imports of dairy products (either donated, subsidized or commercial) should be substantially reduced or terminated. In the presence of growing Indigenous stocks, imports would tend to negatively influence the producers market and damage the transition to a viable cooperative, Industry. Imports might later be needed to be resumed with increased sales or in emergency situation in order to guarantee a continuous and stable supply to urban consumers but any action 1n this respect should take place after a substantial deficit has been documented.

2.7 Dairy development and poor producers:

1. Any attempt to reach specific target groups of poor milk producers through projects for dairy development is a difficult undertaking. An important problem is the integrated nature of the constraints facing the landless milk producer: lack of access to feed resources, poor quality of milk animals, and lack of cash for expenses - (veterinary aid, cattle feed, A.I. etc) and low productivity form a vicious circle of poverty from which 1t 1s difficult to break out.

2.10 Recommendations for appraisal of the O.F. Phase III proposal:

There are two areas of concern for future aid programmes for Indian dairy development to take into consideration in the appraisal exercise:

1. Level of flexibility of the technical and institutional model In adapting to regional, ecological, economic, social and political characteristics.

2. Monitoring Systems: The present system for monitoring project progress and impact is rather unsatisfactory. In the absence of bench mark surveys, any ex-post evaluation becomes very difficult and subject to biases in Interpretation.

- Management accounting should allow for better project control and management, as well as for ex-post evaluation of cost effectiveness of Individual project activities.

- At micro level, a system of farm data collection should be considered both for project monitoring and for an, effective advisory service to individual producers. The technical responsibility for such a service might be delegated to Independent academic research Institutions or to Union Government Services -such as the Agro-economic research Centers, but financial resources should be earmarked 1n the project itself.

- In addition, from the "Donors" point of view, there 1s also a strong need, if programmes of such a size are, Implemented, to maintain continuous contact with central and local project simple mentation authorities. A project desk officer should be installed in the country and regular visits to project areas planned and implemented; not only would monitoring be improved but the experience gained would produce useful Information for designing aid projects.

NOTES AND COMMENTS

WHAT ARE WE DOING WITH OUR INDIGENOUS MEDICAL TALENT

The Indigenous systems of medicine could be used successfully in the achievement of health goals, through raising the standards of education leading to certification. The expertise of these about four lakhs of registered practitioners should be utilized fully in primary health care services.

[Presidential Address by Prof. Archana Sharma, at the 74th Session of the Indian Science Congress, Bangalore, January 1987 (1)]

The irony of the above statement lies in the fact that, perhaps not even a single one of the four lakh practitioners named, above was present in the Indian National Science Congress, which is the largest single gathering of Indian Scientists! By "Scientist' we still refer only to those who have a training in modern Western Science and Technology. As a nation,' we seem to have little awareness of the fact, that there exists a large body of professionals still practicing the, Indian Tradition of Science and Technology.- No wonder then, that we have not even an outline of a plan, as to .how to utilize them, leave alone any larger vision about their potential and development.

Consider for example the "Manual for practitioners of Indian Systems of Medicine and Homoeopathy", published by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare in November 1985(2). This has been written to spell out ways of involvement , of practitioners of Indian systems of medicine and Homeopathy in Family Welfare and Primary Health care". The following extracts from the report give us some idea about what this "involvement' could mean. For example, in the Second Chapter, (on "Mother and Child Care') we find the statement that: If any of the following signs and symptoms are present, the mother or child should be immediately referred to the health worker or to the sub-centre". Following this is a list of symptoms, such as head ache, "cough, swelling of feet, etc. in pregnant women, difficulty in passing urine, diarrhoea, fever,, etc. in new born infants, and so on. The third chapter (on "Immunization"), says that the practitioners should: Assist the health worker in arranging for immunization, by various means such as - "keep aside those who are obviously sick or who have a skin disease so that the health worker can examine them". The fourth chapter (on "Nutrition'), says that "whenever you find a. malnourished child in the community, you should refer the child to the health worker Similarly Identify the cases with signs symptomsi of anaemia in pregnant and nursing women and children refer them to rather health worker (male/female) for treatment, whenever you find pregnant or nursing women or young children who have any combination of these signs and symptoms, you should refer them to the health worker for treatment. The seventh chapter (dealing with Malaria, TB, Leprosy and blindness), says that in each case the patient should be referred to the PHC-Hospital for proper investigation and diagnosis.

In fact the entire manual does not contain a single- instance where the practitioner is required to use or draw upon his training as an indigenous medical professional in any way. The manual treats the practitioner of Indian Systems of Medicine1(ISM) as an "unskilled worker whose only" task seems to be to refer the patient to the health worker or.PHC for "proper investigation and diagnosis”.

The National Health Policy Document (1983)(3) recognized the problem when if said The Country has a large stock of health manpower comprising of private practitioners in various systems, for example Ayurveda, Unani, Slddha, Homoeopathy, Yoga, Naturopathy, etc. This resource has not so far been adequately utilized. The practitioners of these various systems enjoy high local acceptance and respect and consequently exert considerable influence on health, beliefs and practices. It is therefore, necessary to initiate organized measures to enable each of these various systems of medicine and health care to develop in accordance-with its genius (emphasis added).

Nevertheless such statements have remained mere sentiments or sporadic pronouncements and have not been reflected in any action plan. This Is hardly surprising, since the problem is deep-rooted, and hence does not admit of any solution that can be brought about By merely cosmetic changes.. It calls for a deeper examination of our entire approach to health care and an understanding of the historical forces that have governed Its development in the last, two centuries, since the advent of British rule... The problem itself is one which we share with several other non-Western societies, particularly those which have a history of European domination. However it is interesting to. .note that there are countries where serious efforts have been initiated to involve their own traditional systems of medicine in National Health Care. One such major effort is now under way in China.

In the words of a former head of the Scientific and Technological Bureau' of the Public Health Ministry, of the People's Republic of China "Traditional Chinese medicine and pharmacology have develops over thousands of years and include the medical knowledge of minorities such as the Tibetans, Mongolians, Vygurs, Yus and Dais. After the founding of the New China, the Central Communist Party affirmed the advantage of traditional Chinese medicine and formulated a policy of unity between ' traditional and Western - trained practitioners. Traditional practitioners in private practice have been organized and assigned to work at hospitals, and have enjoyed the same status as practitioners of Western Medicine. Practitioners of Western medicine have been encouraged to learn traditional techniques and vice versa. Western style hospitals have added departments of traditional medicine, and entire hospitals have been dedicated to traditional medicine. Traditional medicine and pharmacology have been systematized and studied by modern scientific methods. Young and middle-aged practitioners, whether or not they began with traditional training, have been chosen to follow in the footsteps of older practitioners who have particularly advanced their fields and to further develop these fields.

The new combination of traditional Chinese and Western medical treatment has improved the rates of both prevention and cure of common and serious diseases. Acute abdominal conditions usually requiring surgery can now be treated non-surgically. For example, at the Zunyi Medical College in Guizhou Province and the Dalian Medical College in Liaouing Province, 11,722 cases of conditions such as acute appendicitis and acute pancreatitis have been treated since 1958 with combined traditional Chinese and Western methods, with a cure rate of 92.7%. Treatment of bone fractures and bone and joint injuries this way has lead to a new type of trauma orthopaedics. The orthopaedic department of Tianjiu Hospital has developed a system of treatment for bone fracture that has proved its worth in more than 100,000 cases.

Anaesthesia by acupuncture is a Chinese creation, and a significant achievement in combining traditional Chinese and Western medicine..... Acupuncture anaesthesia has been widely used in cranial, cervical, thoracic and abdominal operations. It has also been used successfully 1n complex heart surgery!., and in the replantation of severed limbs.

Since 1977 the World Health Organization (WHO) has also supported the development of traditional Chinese Medicine by helping to popularise Chinese acupuncture in various countries .and acknowledging acupuncture therapy as "a new internationally applicable medical discipline". Today of the foreign students studying natural sciences In China, those majoring in traditional Chinese medicine make up the highest percentage (5).

The reason we have cited the Chinese experience in such detail, is not so much to plead that such integration should be reproduced here. It is rather to convey, that various non-Western societies are evolving their own ways and means for coming into their own, in a world which till recently was dominated politically and in ideas by the Western civilization. It should be clear that interacting with the West should not mean 'just absorbing everything that is broadcast in the name of modern, or being run over by modern ideas. Rather, the interaction should be on our own terms; it is based on our own grals and needs that we should decide what needs to be accepted or rejected from the West and what we accept needs to be modified suitably to be incorporated in our own scheme of things. If _ we can have such a clarity in our thought and approach, then we can certainly hope to achieve something of significance perhaps even more than China, given the fact that we still have a large body of personnel trained in Indigenous System of medicine, they still command a lot of respect "and influence "with our people and an enormous body of knowledge in this area still exists-both as texts and manuscripts as well as the knowledge and practices amongst our people.

REFERENCES:

1. Resources and human well being: Inputs from Science and Technology' by Archana Sharma (Address by the General President, 74th Session, Indian Science Congress) Pub Indian Science Congress Association (Calcutta 1987).

2. Manual for practitioners of Indian Systems of Medicine and Homeopathy. (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare 1983).

3. National Health Policy, (Ministry of Health and Family Welfare 1983) para 11.

4 Health care in China: A unique partnership between ancient and modern medicine by' Chen Haifeng and Shen Chenru, Impact of Science on Society. Issue No.143 (1986).

5. Traditional Chinese Medicine by Hon Zhaotang, Beijing Review May 19, 1986, pp.15-23.



Author:A.V. Balasubramanian

IS INDIGENOUS TECHNOLOGY 'SIMPLE'?

I. INTRODUCTION:
If we are to –scan the pages of our newspapers or even the more scholarly presentations 1n journals or policy documents, 1t seems that It is really quite a straightforward task to see which way the arrow of progress is pointing. This is particularly so 1n the case of Sciences and Technologies where the moment we see words like Modern, Latest, Sophisticated, Electronic or Computerized,- we know that progress is around the corner. Conversely the adjectives which are used to describe indigenous technologies are often words like Simple, Crude, Primitive, Unrefined or Coarse. It seems quite obvious, that replacing simplicity with sophistication, or the primitive with the latest, is what the business of progress is all about; So much so that the words modernisation, computerisation etc:, are often used and understood as being synonymous with progress. These words are considered to have some kind of an absolute meaning, which Is above and beyond the specificities of the situation, or the cultural and civilizational context. It would seem that there is some absolute way to measure the simplicity or sophistication of some technology and to make a choice based on this criterion. It appears to us however, that much of this line of thought is confused and does not take into account what these terms have meant in various societies and in various points of time. Hence a lot of decisions that are made based on such criteria need to be critically re-examined. As an illustration we would like to take up the question of "simplicity', for a closer look.

II. SIMPLICITY IN WESTERN TRADITION
"The purpose of all theory.is to discover the viewpoint from which the subject matter appears to be in its greatest simplicity". - J.W.Gibbs.

In general it appears as if in the context of Science and Technology, simplicity 1s considered as a virtue in Western Tradition. Of course, this 1 in itself does not mean very much since simplicity, seems to depend on numerous factors such as the period of time, one's point of view land the level of approach. A few examples will make this point clear.

To begin with, it should be seen that simplicity Is never an objective quality 1n the sense that one cannot Just examine an object- or a theory and pronounce on its simplicity. What we see really depends 6,n our own state of knowledge and advancement. To take a common instance bicycles are highly successful machines, and most people would, consider that they are a simple mode of travel. But bicycle technology 1s mature. . Bicycles evolved during the last half of the 19tlrcentury; to reach their present state of development by around the turn of .the century. To be successful, they needed the invention, development and production of ball bearings sprockets, roller chains, the free wheel and gear-changing mechanisms. The pneumatic type required advances in the processing of rubber. Lightweight frames needed thin walled drawn steel tubing. The most expensive bicycles today use tubing with carefully graded wall thickness to give extra strength near-the ends. The fact 1s that bicycles were complicated solutions to the problems of providing cheap personal transport to people who would otherwise have walked or ridden horses. They would, have appeared totally unbelievable and impossibly complicated to the leading engineers of the preceding age (1).

Similarly, simplicity also depends on the viewpoint. The Simplicity assigned to an instrument for example may look different from the two ends user and designer. Take for example the case of photography. The first cameras were wooden boxes with elementary lenses. -Exposures were made by removing the lens cap. Modern single-lens reflex cameras have over one hundred accurate moving parts'. They have multi-element lenses with low f-numbers that can approach the diffraction limit of resolution. Molecular layer coatings provide superb light transmission. Many lenses have zooming and close focusing. Shutter-speeds are controlled by measurements of light from the film during the actual exposure, and they can span as many as five orders of magnitude. All this complexity at the designer's end makes it a different proposition for the user.

It appears as If as a general trend such a simplification for the user is achieved by increasing the complexity at other levels. We hear that electronic circuit design has been "simplified', by the availability of cheap reliable microcircuits. But if we look at the whole scene -inside the factory that makes the micro-circuits that, go into the "simplified' design - it demands extremely complex machines with great optical and mechanical accuracy materials are purified to an astonishing degree and extraordinary levels of cleanliness are necessary. In genera!, the substitution of electronic parts for electrical or electro-mechanical Varts requires- large increases in over at T complexity.

Many scientists and philosophers of Science have claimed to be guided by "simplicity', in their choice of hypotheses and formulation of theories. Einstein for example says -"Our experience, justifies us In believing it)at nature is the realization of the simplest conceivable mathematical ideas'1. When he chose the tensor Equations for his theory of gravitation, he picked the simplest set that would satisfy the requirements. It is said that he told the Mathematician John Kemeny, "God would not have passed up an opportunity to . make nature that simple" (2). At one level simplicity appears to be a "value' incorporated into science. In a larger sense, since there is no universal or time independent or supra-historic yardstick to measure "simplicity', it has also been merely a carrier, reflecting various other values. What 1s simple, or how simple something 1s, has always depended on several "extra-scientific' factors.

Thus we see that at the level of theories or abstractions, simplicity, is claimed to be a guideline - since it is considered God’s way or aesthetically more pleasing etc. At an operational level a variety of terms with positive connotations such as sophisticated, complex etc. v are used to describe processes and devices of modern technology which

                             SIMPLICITY IN SCIENCE AND SCIENTIFIC METHOD

We see that though simplicity itself cannot be clearly defined or can vary depending on the level of analysis, it is constantly claimed to serve as a value that guides the scientist. The classic instance which is very, common, is the graphing of a relation between two variables. The scientist records his observations as dots on a graph, then draws .the 'simplest curve that comes close to those dots. Simplicity 'can even overrule the data: If the spots fall near a straight line, he will not draw a wavy curve that passes through every spot. He Will assume that; his observations are probably a bit off, and pick a straight line even though it may miss every spot, and guess that the function is a simple linear equation such as x=2y (see illustration).

If this fails to predict new observations, he will try a curve of the L-higtier degree, say a hyperbola or a parabola. Other things being equal, the simpler curve is believed to have the higher probability of being right.
However, there is no way to measure this kind of simplicity or even define it. 0ne cannot just count the terms in a theory's mathematical formulational because the number depends on the notation. The same formula may have ten terms in one notation and three in another. Einstein's famous E=mc 2 looks ‘simple', only because each term is a shorthand symbol for concepts that can be written with, formulas involving other concepts.. This happens also in pure mathematics. The only way to express with integers is as the limit of an infinite series, but by writing (symbol) the entire series is squeezed into one symbol minimizing the powers of terms is also misleading. For one thing, a, linear equation such as x=2y graphs as a straight line only when the coordinates are Cartesian. With polar coordinates it graphs as a spiral. For another thing, minimizing powers is no help when equations are not polynomials.

achieve "simplicity' for the final user. In essence Modern Technology seems to increase complexity overall, and the claim is that this is done to simplify matters for the end user.

Both these aspects need a closer look - what happens at the user's end as well as what is the consequence "everywhere else. In terms of the larger consequences, a closer look at any modern marvel invariably proves its cost to be quite devastating, if it is looked at in a total sense - cost as energy, or its impact in ecological, .social or human terms. However, if at all modern technologies are judged as successes they seem to be so only because, those who use it successfully, do not have to "bear the cost, so to speak, of the overall increase in complexity. One way of doing this 1s-political - wherein the users who benefit from the success of modern technology, merely pass on the cost to a hinterland or colony. Thus 1n the "success of the early phase of industrialization of Europe, European development was made possible by the underdevelopment of her colonies. There are other ways too -the cost may be the onslaught on nature herself. Thus, a process that is fuelled by a renewable energy resource can be substituted by one which uses up fossil fuels - thus increasing its "productivity' etc. But the cost in the form of degradation of nature or eating into her capital is borne by nature. Modern processes typically increase ‘productivity or efficiency' only by such means and thus by definition, its successes can only be partial - for its user at the expense of others.
The user's end also merits a detailed examination and one has to see to what extent and in what way matters are rendered simple for the user. This is discussed in detail in a later section.

III - SIMPLICITY IN INDIAN TRADITION
Simplicity appears to take on a very different kind of a meaning 1n the Indian context. One reason for. this seems to be that in the Indian Tradition of Science and Technology there is no fragmentation of approach which is characteristic of modernity. All problems in reality are situated 1n a context, where they are linked in diverse ways to the rest of the world. The modern approach is to "isolate the problem and manipulate parameters in this isolated situation to optimize something or the other. This is the essence of the laboratory method -a central pillar of modern Science and Technology. This enables one as we have seen earlier to achieve "a sort of simplicity* for the end user at the expense of increasing overall complexity.

The traditional Indian approach does not attempt such an isolation, but believes in evolving solutions in an actual situation granted its diverse links to the rest of reality. The traditional approach seems to be characterized by two qualities - development of very high skill on the part of the user and a great sophistication at the level of design of theory or device. Needless to say that neither of these are achieved by increasing the "cost” (in the larger sense of the term) to the overall situation. The price cannot be passed by the user to others or, anyone else because the problem is perceived and understood and solutions are sought at a holistic level, where the user and others are not even fragmented into separate entities. With this viewpoint, the solutions that are considered "simplest' seem to be of ia very different nature.

A few examples would serve to elucidate some aspects of the nature of traditional approach to problems. As we said earlier, one prominent feature seems to be that it calls for a considerable degree of skill on the part of the users of these theories or devices. Some of these .are such a common part and parcel of our daily lives that we take it for granted and it may normally go unnoticed. Consider for example the following observation of some commonplace things of our daily life by an outside observer.

There is another variation of the basket work, the marram (muram) a triangular tray peculiarly shaped, deeper at the broad end and with an opening at the narrow end. It is made of split bamboo and is used for winnowing grain or cleaning it. With a movement that combines tossing, and shaking, a woman can separate broken rice from whole grains, or separate two kinds of grain which have become accidently mixed, or extract unwanted grains and Weed seeds; Let anyone not accustomed to such work try this, and they will admit it requires a very high degree of skill. Vet any village woman, seems to do it automatically.

When I needed the vegetable garden to be dug and the seed sown, it was .done by two lads, with the short spades called mumtis. They had no measuring line, no hoe or rake, or dibbler, and scarcely seemed to look around them. But with this one tool they made perfect rectangles for carrots, turnips, beans and beetroots, with irrigation channels between. . Before the rice seedlings are planted, the field has to be flooded and then made perfectly level. If this is not exact, the crop will be a failure, as one part of the field will be dry when the rest is under water. Leveling is done by boys and men riding round standing on wooden planks drawn by bullocks. They, and the bullocks,, are splashed with mud all over. They take no measurements, do not stop to use a plumb line but the result1leaves a sheet of shimmering water in which the seedlings can be planted at even depth and be flooded 'evenly as long as necessary - that is, until the grain is formed and ripe.

The people who exercise these skills are not well paid, and their products are not highly valued. To Indians these things are just part of life, as it has been for hundreds of years. To tourists they are mostly unobserved and unknown. Tourists buy things specially made for them, such as ivory carvings, Kashmir carpets, Sandalwood jewel boxes and hookahs of chased bronze. Few of them pause to look at the potters, basket makers or harvesters. Their coaches do not stop long enough, but rush from one famous temple or palace to another. You have to live quietly with people to understand and value their common skills which are among India's greatest assets (3).

The solutions that are evolved by the Indigenous approach have certain striking contrasts to the modern approach. It seems that in the modern world, the greater the sophistication or advancement of technology, the more meaningless it renders the human being and his role 1s progressively reduced to a zero, and his skill or judgment or other qualities are rendered devoid of any meaning. In contrast traditional solutions call for a more dynamic and live interaction of the user and the theory or device. Often the device itself may be simple but the user may have to synthesize a lot of inputs, and exercise his varied skills and use his judgment to achieve a brilliant end result. This Is guided and made possible by an extremely sophisticated theory. Numerous and diverse examples can be cited. Consider the Vaidya who Is trained in Nadl Pariksha (Pulse examination). The 'device', itself 1s trivial but it calls for a high degree of skill and requires the evaluation of the influence of varied factors such as the age, sex, physical condition of the patient, season of- the year, time of the day, mental state etc. Analysis, is of course made possible by a highly sophisticated theory which can if correctly used give one an insight into all factors that influence the Nadi. Or consider for example the Indigenous process of Iron and steel making. Iron was, smelted in furnaces that were considered extremely "simple'. The high" quality of the product was only made possible' by the great skill of the artisan and the high degree sophistication at the level of design. To quote an 18th century observer:
Their smelting furnaces, though rude in appearance, are nevertheless very exact in their Interior proportions, and it has often surprised me to see men who are unquestionably ignorant of their principle, construct them with precision, in so simple a manner; their unit of measure is the breadth of a middle sized man's finger; 24 of which constitute their large and 20 their small cubit; thus there is a constant ratio of 6 to 5 prevailing though out these furnaces, nor is it of the least consequence, that their dimensions are larger or smaller, so long as all the parts are in the same proportion.....The above description is not founded on theoretical conclusions; the measurements given are derived from taking the mean of several and the results were proved in furnaces under my own superintendence; the
coincidences of the several parts are very striking; the angle of the blast 1s also worthy of notice as well as the simplicity by which both it and the obliquity of the furnaces is obtained; all these serve to show that the original plan of this singular furnace must have been the work of advanced intelligence, and that its geometrical proportions have been preserved by simple measures; hence though its original form may be changed by caprice or ignorance, Its principle can never be lost so long-as hands and fingers remain. Having now exhausted all my information which was obtained from actual experiment and impartial trial and proof, I shall conclude with the following remarks- viz: that the Indian forge is able to make crude metal, for two pounds six shilling", and good malleable Iron for five pounds ten shilling per English ton; it is moreover susceptible of improvement; it requires but little outlay; it is portable; and may be transported from place to place, the implements being the only things necessary to carry; jit may be erected in places which combine the advantages of proximity of ore and fuel and where other furnaces requiring a large supply of water cannot be set up - and it may be erected for temporary purposes and abandoned when the object 1s fulfilled without material loss, the furnaces being the only part which would be lost and their cost'is1 about 6 shillings each.

The employment of so simple a forge in England would be absurd - but considering 1t an instrument adapted to the existing condition of the country where it is used - it assumes a different character for such 1s the cheapness of labour and fuel that I question whether any other furnace would complete with it (4). Similarly, the Indian
sailors, used a device to keep track of their latitude which could be made merely by piece of cardboard and a.length of string. But here again, typically, the latitude cannot be obtained as a meter reading by a push button device but calls for an active application of the user's knowledge and skill (see box).

The sophistication involved in indigenous technology should not be confused with the complexity that accompanies modern technology. Let us consider for example the case of Nadi Pariksha, to see the difference. When a Valdya examines the Nadi, he makes (among other things) an estimate of various factors like, the rhythm, flow and the force (of the beat) off the pulse. In a sense he is assessing the same factors that an allopathic physician would call as pulse rate, blood pressure and flow rate! The training in Nadi Pariksha builds on. one's natural ability and the theory helps to systematize observations and refines the process of drawing conclusions. In contrast the modern approach would be, to build instruments to measure these parameters separately,, perhaps with great accuracy. Thus while the Nadi Sastra builds on one's natural skill, the modern approach replaces the finger by a set of instruments. One consequence would be that measurement is

                                   INSTRUMENT USED BY INDIAN MARINERS

"In a note on an instrument used by Native mariners for finding their latitudinal position off the coast, Captain Congreve describes the following simple and ingenious instrument. A piece of thin board, oblong in shape, three 'inches long by one and a half inches wide, is furnished with a string suspended from its centre, eighteen inches long. A number of knots are made in this string, indicative of certain previously observed latitudes; in other words, coinciding with the position of certain well-known places on the coast. The position of these knots is obtained in the following manner. The observer elevates the board in his left hand, its longest side being upwards, and draws it backwards and forwards in front of his eye until its upright length exactly corresponds with, or covers the space Included between the pole-star and the horizon. With his right hand he next catches hold of the string, and brings it to his nose. He makes a knot at the point where it touches that feature; and, 1f he at the time be abreast of point Palmiras, an undeviating index is afforded, which will in future show him when he is off that point, the north star's elevation being always fixed, and .therefore, all the parts of the triangle formed by his line of sight, the string, and the distance between the polar star and the horizon, or the length of the board equally as constant, to make the thing as clear as possible, suppose the observer finds, when out at sea, that the knot which measured the former coincidence of his position with Point Palmiras, again impinges on his nose, he is satisfied, on this occasion, he is in the same latitudinal line as he was on that, or that he is off point Palimras. He makes similar observations at, and the knot is fixed opposite each conspicuous place, on the length of the string, as far as Domdra head in Ceylon generally. Thus by a simple observation at any future time the mariner is enabled to ascertain his position with sufficient accuracy for his purpose" (5).

now rendered very complex. This could mean for example that what one can do is to strap on a pressure sensor and read the Blood Pressure (BP) from a dial or a digital read out. If this is one's training, then in the absence of this instrument one cannot form any estimate of the blood pressure. In other words, the capacity to estimate BP has been replaced by the ability to push buttons and read dials.

At the other level the- theories and categories are also in terms far removed from our level of experience and observation. Experiments can be designed or theories constructed to explain how any one parameter like BP can vary with exercise or stress under controlled laboratory conditions. A similar theory can be made for the pulse rate. But then dealing with a real life situation becomes a task that is stupendously complex, It requires instruments of great complexity to measure each parameter, and an even more complex theory to attempt (if at all) to synthesize various data to tell us what it means in terms of our own experience or observations. The ordinary user is rendered devoid of his natural, skills and he has become dependent to carry out even the smallest task. No innovation is possible at the user level, since design and understanding is a special process confined to a small number of, specialists and experts. In fact, even these specialists; seem to be alienated from the Implications of their own theories- at User level. 'It Is a commonplace observation that there a are large number of, Doctors or even "Heart specialists', who are heavy smokers and this, does' not cause us much surprise. But such an abuse of the body would be considered surprising and unacceptable to us if observed in any Vaidya.

Surely one is not of course opposed to having things rendered simple for the users. But 1t should be seen that what modernity offers as a solution is not just a simple way to perform the task. Rather, one's skills are being replaced by the Capacity to push buttons or swallow pills - exercises that are in themselves devoid of any meaning. One is rendered fallen to the skills and prowess naturally Involved in the task, rendered unable to Innovate at the user level or take any pleasure I in It. Above all it takes away the control from individual users and delivers 1t at the hands of a select few. Such an arrangement may; no doubt have its uses under special conditions such as a war, where expediency takes priority and action may be regimented by retaining control centrally. But making this design a part of normal life, indeed reduces the normal user to a near zero.

In contrast, we can see-that the traditional approach looks at the phenomenon 1n its Integrity. It seeks to build on one's natural abilities and skills by systematizing them and making them more rigorous without destroying them. This help us to come up with solutions (that do not destroy the essential unity or multi affectedness of nature and our Interaction with it.

Since all development of Science and Technology is in a sense an Interaction between human (beings and nature, it may be said that the difference is really only a question of where the line is drawn While this 1s no doubt true, it should also be pointed out that the two approaches in fact constitute fundamentally different understanding of the relation of human beings with nature. In the modern view, man 1s seen as being distinct and apart from nature and often the scientific or technological progress is related to the extent to which one can control nature; this may also sometimes be expressed as understanding nature, since the purpose of such understanding is supposed to be to acquire power over it ("Knowledge is power'). In the traditional view, human beings and nature are understood as existing in a state of natural harmony. Hence any "development' 1n science and technology is guided by the thought that the harmony should be disturbed minimally (if at all) and the harmony if disturbed should be reestablished in another plane.

In fact, problems are generally identified and analyzed in terms of loss of harmony and solutions are seen as moves to reestablish harmony. For example, disease is the loss of harmony between the doshas and a cure reestablishes their mutual balance. It should be emphasized that this view is incorporated in the basic outlook itself and not merely applied as a "corrective" - as seems to be the case with some of the "alternative' perceptions currently emerging from the West today.

IV. CONCLUSION:
It took me quite a lot of patient study and observation to discover that his simplicity was a very complex art. "Simplicity is not so simple a thing as most people imagine", he once remarked on a subsequent occasion, Pyarelal Nayyar on Gandhiji (6).

It becomes important to understand the, use of words like simple or primitive or sophisticated, since these words are not just neutral adjectives or mere descriptors - but are in fact value judgments today. It is often considered obvious that Indigenous Technology which is simple, primitive, crude, underdeveloped etc., needs to be replaced by modern Western technology which is sophisticated, modern, refined and so on. Our problem seems to be at two levels.

At one level there is an inability to understand Indigenous Technology - either in itself or in relation to its own context, history or its link with our society. It invariably gets juxtaposed against contemporary Modern Western Technology. A whole lot of adjectives employed in this connection are "relational. That is, primitive means not yet modern, crude means not yet refined to Western Technology, underdeveloped means not yet developed into what the West has. The colonial mind has always perceived Indigenous Technology as a kind of "unfinished European Technology. In this view, technologies other than European are believed to be inferior since they had not "evolved into European technology, which was considered the natural and desirable course. Such a tendency still afflicts a large number of us also. Hence even our own studies on Indigenous Technologies, tend to pose questions like why did this not develop into what Europe has, rather than to understand its principles and potential in our context.

In fact at present the very fact that a Science or Technology has origins in India seems to be sufficient to give it the label backward or primitive. Last year, a paper was published in a reputed journal on, History of Science, analyzing the medieval Kerala School of mathematics on infinite series (7). In the journal's annual index, the editor (classified this paper under primitive mathematics! Most of our own thinking is also haunted by the same syndrome. The result is that by and large we are unable to understand indigenous Technology and its potential.

At another level we are unable to utilize our traditional technologies since we often, approach them and tend to use them in' the same 'manner as modern technologies. Traditional technologies, as we have seen earlier, cannot be used mechanically as "devices (In a - push button sense) or as merely a formula, which just needs to be routinely applied. It is with such a spirit (or lack of it), that many traditional solutions are taken up for trial today and it is no great wonder that it appears not very successful in such cases. Take for example (the case of Yoga. Prescriptions in Yoga texts are hot to be applied mechanically, but every individual is expected to choose his own set1of Yogic Asanas keeping in mind varied factors such as his age,- fitness, physical condition etc. Moreover one should pay close attention to seasonal and even day to day variation in one's own health and condition to suitably modify one's practice. But quite often we find Yogic Asanas being done mechanically by rote and it is no great surprise that its potential is so little realized,

Not only in the area of Science and Technology, but also in the social, or political sphere, have solutions tended to become caricatures if they are applied mechanically. The way the modern Indian views issues very mechanically, is brought, out by the following instance, recounted to the authbr by a well know Gandhian Scholar. For quite some time now, the traditional hand plied charkas are being replaced by a. much smaller number of mechanical charkhas operated by fewer people it is even stated sometimes, that the reason for this change, is that in this way t becomes simpler o keep track of the production and do the accounting. The charkha programme was initially conceived to provide productive employment for the largest number of beneficiaries. But in the absence of an active and alert mind to keep this in focus, the charkha can become a mere device and the programme can degenerate into meaningless exercise.

It seems to be a general requirement (running though the entire fabric of Indian tho thought varied areas) that at no stage and in ho arena, is the human agency to be reduced to mere button pushing. Employing i traditional scientific approach is dependent in the use of Yukti -i.e. the use of one's own skill, intelligence and judgment to perceive a phenomenon in its totality and to act suitably taking due note of the total situation in the context of the time and place. For example even laws regulating the function of the Society are not. Canonized as Rule-of Law. Traditional Law was more in the nature of guidelines and precepts. Its actual manifestation in any given situation was governed by varied factors such as Desha, Kala etc; and could be only spelt Out in the given context by a human mind endowed with judgement, sensitivity, imagination etc.

It is time that our scientists and technologists as well as the planners and policy makers rid themselves of several pre-conceived notions and prejudices regarding Indigenous Sciences and Technologies, which need to be studied and understood in our own terms and in relation to our society, our history and our needs. This calls for a radical change in the outlook of those schooled in the present day scheme of education and training. A rediscovery of some of the finer functions of the mind and an alertness and aliveness to our own context and needs should form an essential part of this change.

It is indeed fortunate that even today, a large majority of our people are still drawing their material, intellectual and spiritual sustenance from our Indigenous tradition of Science, technologies etc. If our vision is only to catch up with the west, by some deadline or the other, then whatever our people have and in fact the people themselves appear to be great obstacles. However, these very qualities can be turned into our greatest assets, if only we rid ourselves of our prejudices and plan for a future that builds on our own resources and strengths.

REFERENCES:

1. Some examples in this section are from the article - The perils of being simple by Stephen Salter, New Scientist, 25th Feb, 1982 pp.'495-7

2. Several' examples in this section are from — Simplicity as a Scientific concept: Does nature keep her accounts on a thumbnail? By Martin Gardner, Scientific American, Sept. 1959 pp.118-121.

3. Unvalued assets by Dora Scarlett, Resurgence, March - April, 1986 pp-44.

4. Mode of manufacturing iron in Central' India by Major James Franklin (Circa 1829) cited in Indian Science and Technology in the Eighteenth Century by Dharampal (1983 Reprint, Academy of Gandhi an Studies, Hyderabad).

5. Ethnographic notes by Edgar Thurston (undated) pp.571-2.

6. Gandhiji as I know him by Pyarelal Nayyar in - Incidents in Gandhiji’s life (Ed.) C.Shukla (1948).

7. Paper by Prof. Rangachary, published in Archives for History of Exact Sciences (1986).



Author:A.V. Balasubramanian

IMPACT OF MODERNISATION ON MILK AND OIL SEEDS

PART II: CHANGES IN THE AGRICULTURE AND ECONOMY OF OILSEEDS:

Milk and bovine stock economy in India seems to be closely linked with the production of oilseeds in Indian agriculture. Oilseeds, on the one (hand, provide feed-concentrates which happen to be the critical element in the health and productivity of bovine stock. On the other hand edible oils', which along with cereals and pulses constitute an indispensible component of the predominantly vegetarian Indian diet, also offer a widely accepted substitute for ghee, traditionally the most important of milk products. Indian agriculture seems to have evolved, and maintained till recently, a balance between the production of various cereals, pulses and oilseeds. There was, it seems; at least an attempt to match agricultural production with the desirable balance of various elements in the Indian diet, and at the same -time to meet the essential requirements of the bovine stock. However, the introduction of modern agricultural practices in the mid-sixties, which led to the so-called green revolution, seriously disrupted -these traditional tendencies of matching production with the varied requirements of men and their animals. As is well known. The new practices emphasized the production of only cereals, and amongst them, for mainly wheat. . We have seen earlier that this lopsided emphasis .directly led to stagnation and decline in the production of pulses, severely depleting average Indian diet of its protein constituents, a loss that could not have been made up by the modern attempts at popularizing poultry and the like (1). We shall see below that the modern practices in agriculture also had an adverse impact on the production of oilseeds, thereby reducing the availability of fats in Indian diets, and limiting the possibilities of enhancing, production of milk in the country.

3.1. Decline in the Production of Oilseeds:

To comprehend the impact of the introduction of modern agricultural practices on the production of oilseeds, we can begin with a look at the rates of growth of oilseeds I and some other major crops for periods preceding and following these changes in agriculture. In Table 13 below we have displayed the compound rates of growth in production, area and yield of oil seeds relative to food grains and some other crops for the periods 1949-50 to 1964-55 and 1967-68 to 1980-81 (17). The strategy to introduce modern agricultural techniques in India in a big way was inaugurated in 1966-67. The period 1967-68 to 1980-81, therefore refers to :the modern phase of Indian agriculture and the period 1949-50 to 1964-65 to the pre-modern phase. The two intervening years, 1965-66 and 1966-67 were especially bad drought years, and it is usual to exclude these two years while comparing the two phases of Indian agriculture.

TABLE - 13

Compound Rates of Growth of Oilseeds relative to Food grains and other Crops (1949 to 1964-65 & 1967-68 to 1980-81: Units Percent per annum)

	Production		Area		Yield
Crops Rate of Growth in	1949-50 to 64-65	1967-68 to 80-81	1949-50 to 64-65	1967-68 to 80-81	1949-50 to 64-65	1967-68 to 80-81
All Crops	3.19	2.37	1.55	0.52	1.60	1.45
Foodgrains	2.98	2.39	1.34	0.35	1.61	1.74
Oil Seeds	3.20	1.04	2.55	0.27	0.64	0.76
Pulses	1.62	-0.28	1.87	0.44	-0.24	-0.56

Looking for the present at the rate of growth of production alone in Table 13, we find that during the pre-modernisation period 1949-50 to 1964-65, the production of oilseeds rose at a rate of 3,20 per cent per annum, which was slightly better than the rate of growth in the production of food grains, and equal to the rate of growth of overall agricultural production 1n the country. In the modern period, 1967-68 to 1980-81, growth 1n production of all crops seems to slacken. However, oilseeds suffer a decline which Is much sharper than the decline in the growth of food grains or in the total agricultural production. Thus while in the pre-modern period, production of oilseeds grew at a rate faster than that of food grains, in the modern phase the rate of growth of the former at 1.04 percent per annum, is not even half the rate of the latter at 2.39 percent per annum.

Thus it seems that while the introduction of modern techniques offered no help in increasing the growth potential of Indian agriculture as a whole, yet it disrupted the traditional patterns of production. Share of oilseeds, and pulses, as also of many of the less favored cereals, in the total agricultural production of the country went down. Pulses, in fact, suffered an absolute decline in their production, while the rate of growth of oilseeds production in the post 65 period became significantly lower, less than 1 /3rd of their growth rate in the 1949-65 period. It is not always easy to discern such trends in the year to year absolute production data of various' crops, because of the wide fluctuations that take place in their production. However, in Table 14 below we have displayed the triennial averages for the production of oilseeds, food grains and pulses (for every fifth year between 1950-51 and 1980-81 (18). In a later table (Table 16) we shall display oilseeds production data over the same period with a different averaging procedure.

It can be seen from Table 14 that in 1963-64 the relative production of oilseeds, total food grains and pulses was almost the same as in 1950-51. After that period, however, production of pulses becomes stagnant while growth in oilseeds starts falling behind that in food grains. Looking again at Table 13 we find that in the pre-modern period,1 1949-65, while much of the growth, in production of food grains arises from improvements in yield per hectare, and while overall increase in agricultural, production of the country during this period can be attributed almost equally to increases in area under crops and increases in productivity per unit area, yet growth in production of oilseeds takes place predominantly as a result of growth in area under oilseeds. As a matter of fact growth in productivity of oilseeds remains low, much less than 1 percent per annum in pre-modern as well as the modern phase. The high rate of growth in production of oilseeds in the pre-modern phase then arises as a result of the rapid growth of area under oilseeds in this period. The rate of growth of area under oilseeds during 1949-65 was almost twice as high as that of area under food grains.

TABLE - 14

Production of Major Oilseeds Relative to Food grains and Pulses*

Year	Oilseeds (Lakh tons)	All Foodgrains (Million tons)	Pulses (Million tons)
1950-51	51.4	52.58	8.33
1955-56	61.6	68.23	10.88
1960-61	69.5	80.47	12.09
1963-64**	76.7	83.38	11.34
1970-71	85.8	104.36	11.53
1975-76	87.5	110.77	11.47
* All Figures, refer to triennial averages with the year indicated as the mid year.
** 1963-64 instead of 1965-66 has been chosen to avoid including the two abnormal years 1965-66 and 1966-67 in the average.

Incidentally, during this period area under pulses also rose at a rate faster than that of the area under food-grains as a whole, though yield per hectare of pulses declined slightly even during this period.

The phenomenon of low rate of growth in productivity of land under oilseeds gets corroborated when we look at changes in irrigated area under oilseeds over the years - see Table 15 (19). Irrigation is one of the main resources that help in enhancing productivity of land. It can be seen from Table 15 that increases in irrigated area brought under foodgrains form a substantial fraction of the increases in total area under foodgrains. It is as if all additional area bought under foodgrains, at least after 1955-56, were irrigated. Irrigated area brought under oilseeds on the other hand rises rather slowly, and it seems much of the additional area brought under oilseeds, like the area already under oilseeds during 1950-70 period, remains dry. Only after mid-seventies does one see a significant increase in the percentage of irrigated area compared to the total area under oilseeds.

From the slow increase in irrigated area under oilseeds and rather low rate of growth in productivity of oilseeds even during the 1949-65 period, it appears that relatively better lands and important productive resources like irrigation were even then preferentially assigned to cereal crops. Total production of oilseeds and pulses, however, was kept up by bringing proportionately larger, though less productive, area under these crops. The balance in the relative production of cereals, pulses, and oilseeds that we notice in the pre-modern phase was therefore not the result of .some unthinking custom following which, of all new areas brought under cultivation, proportionately unvarying amounts were put under different crops. Maintaining the traditional balance required, on the other hand, delicate adjustments in the allocation of different types of land and other productive resources to different crops.

After mid-sixties there was perhaps not much more land available that could be brought under the plough without extraordinary' effort. Looking at the performance of Indian agriculture in the first fifteen years after independence, however, there seems little doubt that even after additional cultivable land became scarce, the traditionally valued productive resources like labour, animal power, animal manure, and water would have been appropriately raised and allocated to not-only maintain the rising trend in overall agricultural production, but also tomaintain a balance in the production of different crops. After all, even inspite of ho modernising innovations taking place in the first fifteen year period, the yield of land per unit area in India did keep rising at a rate of 1-60 percent per annum.

During the mid-sixties however, the new technology for cereal production was introduced in India. This required new type of resources and new agricultural practices. Traditional resources as

TABLE - 15

Irrigated Area under Oilseeds and Foodgrains (1950-51 to 1980-81) Units: Million Hectares

Crops year	50-51	55-56	60-61	65-66	70-71	75-76	80-81
Foodgrains
1. Total Area	101.19	111.32	115.56	114.89	124.91	128.28	126.67
2. Irrigated Area	18.32	20.62	22.06	24.03	30.12	34.09	37.61
3. Percentage Irrigated(2/1) x 100	18.1	18.5	19.1	20.9	24.1	26.6	29.7
Oilseeds
1. Total Area	10.97	11.93	12.78	14.19	14.72	15.02	15.62
2. Irrigated Area	(a)	0.29	0.42	0.53	1.09	1.20	2.28
3. Percentage Irrigated (2/1)   x 100	(a)	2.4	3.3	3.7	7.4	8.0	14.6
(a) Not available. Irrigated area under oilseeds counted with other crops.

well as traditional knowledge of soil, seasons and crops thereby got de-emphasized. The new resources and knowledge naturally got concentrated in the few areas and on the few crops that responded to the new technology. Production and productivity of these few crops in their limited areas increased substantially. But growth in overall production and productivity of land in India started slowing down, as is clear from Table 13 (for further details of this aspect see Ref.1). Oilseeds were one of the major crops that suffered a decline in growth as a result. As can be seen from Table 16 below, area under oilseeds almost stopped growing after the end of the Third Plan period (1961-66) and increases in their production became rather slow (20). This of course meant less fat in the average Indian diet. In addition it also meant decreased capability to maintain bovine stock which constituted one of the most important productive resources in traditional agriculture. As we have noticed earlier (Table 1) growth in bovine stock also slackened noticeably after the mid-sixties. Incidentally, from Table 16 it seems that oilseeds registered the highest growth during the Second Plan period (1956-61), and that also happens to be the period during which bovine population grew most rapidly.

3.2. Modern Strategies for Enhancing Availability of Vegetable Oils: The deceleration in the production of oilseeds and- vegetable oi1s seems to have become a matter of major concern for the development planners in the recent past. Various strategies are being evolved for quickly and dramatically increasing the availability of vegetable oils in the country. Attempts made so far have been mainly in three

TABLE – 16

Total Area and Production of Major Oilseeds: Plan Averages*

Plans Period		I	II	III	Annual	IV	V
	1950-51	1951-56	1956-61	1961-66	1966-69	1969-74	1980-81
Area (million hectares)	10.73	11 .69	13.19	15.08	15.04	15.29	15.39
Production (lakh tonnes)	51.58	54.53	67.10	73.53	71.91	82.90	89.25
* Major oilseeds include Groundnut, Rapeseed-Mustard, Sesamum, Linseed and Castor

directions. One, to popularize cultivation of exotic non-conventional oilseed crops. Two, to encourage the extraction of residual oils in conventionally expressed oilcakes through industrial . solvent extraction processes, and also to use the same processes for obtaining oil from certain agricultural residues like rice-bran, and some forest products like salseed and mahua. Three, to import cheap vegetable oils, like soyabean oil etc., from the international market on a large scale. Future strategies are also likely to explore- possibilities in the same directions. Efforts along these lines have indeed helped in increasing the availability of oils that are edible, though in India they are popularly considered unpalatable. However, as we shall see below,, all of these strategies are such that these could not have helped in. increasing the nutrition level of the average milch or draught animal in India. We shall consider the developments that have taken place along each of these three directions, and their impact, separately.

a) Cultivation of Non-Conventional Oilseeds:

Oilseed crops conventional grown in India are mainly five: Groundnut, Rapeseed-Mustard, Sesamum, Linseed and Castor. Of these the first three, along with Coconut, a plantation crop, form the major source of edible oils in the country. Linseed oil is also edible though it finds many industrial uses, especially in the paints and varnish industry. Castor oil has been traditionally considered important medicinal oil and an excellent feedstock for soap making. It seems to be becoming an important industrial material too,, particularly as a lubricant. Perhaps that is the reason why castor seed production, though not large compared to the total production of major oilseeds, has started showing a sudden upward trend during the last few years. Between 1980-81 and 1983-84 castor production seems to have jumped from 2.04 lakh tons to 4.07 lakh tons, and area under castor during the same period has gone up from 4.97 lakh hectares in 1980-81 to 6.37 lakh hectares in 1983-84.

In Table 17 below we have displayed figures for the average production of different oilseeds during the five-year plan periods (21). It can be seen from Table 17 that, except for the recent spurt in castor production noticed above, the relative share of different oilseed crops in the total production of five major oilseeds has not changed much since1950s. Of these groundnut remains the most significant oilseed crop accounting for' more than 65% of the total production of the five major oilseeds in 1980s as in 1950s. Rapeseed-mustard, the second most important oilseed crop, has improved its share slightly, from about . 15% in the fifties to around 20% in the sixties. This increase in the relative production of rapeseed-mustard seems to have been at the cost of sesamum, whose share An the total production of these five "major oilseeds, has declined from about 9% to about 5%.

TABLE - 17

Cropwise Break up of production of Major Oilseeds: Plan Averages Units: Lakh tonnes per year. Figures in percentage of the total production of five major Oilseeds

Crops Plan Period		I	II	III	Annual	IV	V
	50-51	51-56	56-61	61-66	66-69	69-74	74-79	79-84
Groundnut	34.81 (67.5)	35.35 (64.8)	47.26 (70.4)	51.25 (69.7)	49.24 (68.5)	54.89 (66.2)	58.85 (65.9)	61.14 (65.0)
Rapeseed- Mustard	7.62 (14.8)	9.14 (16.8)	10.86 (16.2)	12.68 (17.2)	13.81 (19.2)	16.97 (20.5)	18.50 (20.7)	20.81 (22.1)
Sesamum	4.45 (8.6)	5.11 (9.4)	4.00 (6.0)	4.42 (6.0)	4.28 (5.9)	4.66 (5.6)	4.65 (5.2)	5.11 (5.4)
Linseed	3.67 (7.1)	3.80 (7.0)	3.89 (5.8)	4.19 (5.7)	3.42 (4.8)	4.81 (5.8)	5.29 (5.9)	3.98 (4.2)
Castor	1.03 (2.0)	1.13 (2.1)	1.09 (1.6)	0.99 (1.3)	1.16 (1.6)	1.57 (1.9)	1.96 (2.2)	2.99 (3.20)
Total	51.58 (100)	54.53 (100)	67.10 (100)	73.53 (100)	71.91 (100)	82.90 (100)	89.95 (100)	94.02 (100)
Coconut (million nuts) year	3282	3976	4608	4851	5333	5981	5753

Decrease in the relative production of sesamum is perhaps because of its relatively low productivity, though it has increased from about 200 kg/ha in fifties to about 300 kg/hectare in the eighties. Yet, this decrease in the share of sesamum in the production of major oilseeds is unfortunate because sesamum oil by conventional wisdom is considered the most nutritious and health promoting of all edible oils. Even in the Ayurvedic canonical texts sesamum oil is stated to be the best of all edible oils. In fact the Sanskrit word for oil, tail urn, is derived from the Sanskrit name of sesamum, til. Sesamum oil therefore is the oil, tailum, and other oils get the same generic name because of the similarity of their properties to thoseof the sesamum oil (see Susruta Samhita (i) 45.112 and 130).
One of the major components of modern strategies for enhancing availability of oils in the country is to introduce newer oilseed

TABLE – 18

Production Trends in Non-conventional Edible oilseeds

Crop	Area in lakh hectares				Production in lakh tons
	80-81	81-82	82-83	83-84	80-81	81-82	82-83	83-84
Safflower	7.20	7.61	7.82	8.00	3.35	4.24	3.96	4,69
Sunflower	1.19	2.27	4.62	6.67	0.66	1.31	2.30	2.72
Soyabean	3.92	4.77	7.70	8.14	1.89	3.52	4.91	5.83
Total	12.31	14.65.	20.14	22.81	5.90	9.07	11.17	13.24

crops, often of foreign origin, in the agriculture of India. The crops currently being popularised are: safflower, sunflower and soyabean, mainly the last. In Table 18 below we have shown the area that has been brought under these non-conventional oilseed crops since 1980-81, and their production during these years (22). It can be seen from the Table that in the four years between 1980-81 and 1983-84 total area under these crops has increased almost two-fold and their total production has risen even more sharply from 5.90 lakh tons in 1980-61 to 13.24 lakh tons in 1983-84. Area under these oilseeds and their production in 1983-84 already forms a significant proportion, about 15%, of the/total area under and production of the five major conventional oilseeds of the country. And this is a rising trend.

From the performance of non-conventional oilseed crops during these four years, it does not seem that these crops as of now have any advantage in terms of yield per hectare over the conventional oilseed crops. As can belseen from Table 19, during the four years between 1980-81 and 1983-84 yield of groundnut has been consistently higher than that of soyabean, and safflower-sunflower have consistently produced lower yields than those of rapeseed-mustard (22).

The oil content of the non-conventional oilseeds also does not seem to be any better than that of the conventional seeds. In Table 20 we have collected percentage oil content, weight by weight, of some of the important conventional and nonconventional oil-bearing vegetable materials (23).

It jean be seen that while the oil content of safflower and sunflower is roughly the same as that of other oil bearing seeds like rapeseed-mustard or sesamum, oil content of soyabean is rather low. This latter is supposed to have a high protein content, but even that is perhaps not much better than that of groundnut which is rich in both oil and proteins..

TABLE - 19

Relative Yields of some Conventional and Non-conventional Edible Oi1seed Crops

Crops Year	Yield in kgms per hectare
	1980-81	1981-82	1982-83	1983-84
Soyabean	482	738	638	716
Groundnut	735	1006	732	953
Safflower	465	557	506	586
Sunflower	554	577	498"	408
Rapeseed-Mustard			577	659

The non-conventional oilseeds thus do not seem to have any special advantage over the conventional oilseeds in terms of their yields or oil contents. However there is one important difference. The technology and uses of conventional oils are well known, and it seems that much of the conventional oils produced get consumed without any /industrial processing, and the rich oilcakes obtained from small scale qhanis and expellers find their way into the diets of the local livestock. The technology of the non-conventional oilseeds, especially of soyabean, the most vigrously promoted of the non-conventional oilseeds, though not very complicated, is unfamiliar. Also the non-conventional oils, and again soyabean oil in particular, do not become acceptable in the Indian market without multiple refining. Because of these constraints, the non-conventional oilseeds, unlike the conventional ones, largely enter the industrial system and from there, the urban market. From what we have been repeatedly noticing, the fact that an agricultural product has to be industrially processed and commercially marketed is itself considered an important advantage in favour of that product. That is perhaps why these non-conventional oilseeds are so zealously being popularised.

This phenomenon however has a major disadvantage, at least for the health and productivity of the average milch or draught animal. Once an oilbearing crop enters the centralised industrial system, it becomes uneconomic to simply return its by-products, the oilcakes, to the field for livestock consumption. It becomes much more tempting,

Oil Content of Some Important Oilseeds

Oilseed	Percentage of oil w/w	Oilseed	Percentage of oil w/w
Groundnut (Kernel)	40-44	Soyabean	18.7-21
Rapeseed-Mustard	31-33	Safflower	25-30
Sesamum Seed	41-43	Sunflower	37-40.
Linseed	31-33	Niger Seed	35
Castor Seed	40-42	Copra	62-68

economically speaking, to add value to these by-products by processing them into compound feeds, which then happen to be too expensive to be consumed by the average animal in the field, and thus become available, to be either exported or fed to the exotic elite herds. From the economic industrial viewpoint, however, it is even better if the oilcakes can be completely diverted from livestock consumption and converted into sophisticated 'protein-rich' products for metropolitan human consumers. The cycle can then be completed by feeding good whole grains to special animals in industrial feedlots as is already being done in some parts of the world. Even this expensive feeding of special herds is not likely to help in expanding total production of milk in this country, as we have seen earlier (section. 2.7), though these herds may make a little more milk available in the urban markets.

b) Solvent Extraction of Oilcakes and Some Other Agricultural and forest products with Low Oil Content:

Oil is generally obtained by pressing oilseeds and other oil bearing matter in traditional ghahis or the more modern though fairly small scale expellers. Some of the oil is left behind in the cake in this process, and the expeller cake usually contains up to 10 percent, weight by weight, of oil. In the normal course this is not really a waste, as the cake is fed to the livestock and provides probably the only source of fats in the animal diets. It is however possible to extract the residual oil from oilcakes by dissolving the oil in some organic solvent and then removing the solvent from the oil by distillation. If all the oilcake produced in the country could be processed in this fashion, the amount of oil recovered may form a significant proportion of the total amount of vegetable oils available. But it should be remembered that every kilogram of oil thus extracted means a kilogram of oil taken out of the livestock feeds, which are in any case not very rich. Also this type of processing necessarily involves concentrating the cake in industrial locations.- And as we have argued earlier, once the oilcake reaches the big industrial system it is not likely to become available again for feeding to the average animal, even after the oil-content has been removed from it.
The solvent extraction process can also be used for' extracting oil from some agricultural wastes that have small quantities of vegetable oils in them; One such agricultural by-product is rice-bran in India with rice production nearing 60 million tons, there is probably million tons of rice-bran available annually. Oil content of rice-bran is generally around 15%, and thus the available bran bears about 8 lakh tons of oil which is, of course, a significant amount. Normally the bran along with its oil content is fed to the animals. Solvent extraction of rice-bran however seems to be becoming quite popular, and we can expect the average livestock to lose both the bran and the oil in the process. Finally, some oilbearing forest products, like mahua and salseeds, which are normally collected by the forest dwelling adivasis, probably for their own uses, are now moving into the solvent extraction industry for commercial production of oil.

Before we look at the amount of different types of oils actually produced in the solvent extraction industry during the last few years, it is instructive to keep in mind the total 'production of oils from the important oilseeds in the country. In Table 21 below we have displayed these production figures over a period of about twenty years (20). From the Table it seems that total production of oil from the five, major oilseeds has been in the range of 25 to 30 lakh tons since the seventies. About 10% of this amount has consisted of non-edible linseed and castor seed oils. In addition to the oils from the five major oilseeds, cotton seed oil and rice-bran oil have become significant contributors to the pool of vegetable oils since the beginning of the seventies and their share seems to be rapidly rising. Incidentally cotton seed when not expressed for its oil is fed whole to agricultural livestock. And the oil extracted is not edible without hydrogenation. To complete the picture it may be remarked that the contribution of non-conventional oils, like sunflower, safflower, soyabean, and niger etc., remains insignificant individually. However, together they add up to about 2 lakh tons, and perhaps a quarter of that amount comes from soyabean oil.

Now we are ready to look at the contribution made by solvent-extracted oils to the oil pool. In Table 22 below we have listed the amount of solvent-extracted oils produced from different sources during a few years in the recent past (25). Looking at the production figure for the eighties it seems that the total production of solvent-extracted oils, at around 3 lakh tons these days, forms a significant proportion about 10%, of the .indigenous vegetable o11 pool. A large part of the total production of solvent-extracted oils comes from, rice-bran. Rice-bran oil seems to constitute some 40% of the total solvent-extracted oils. Cottonseed oil Is another major contributor to the solvent-extracted I oil production. Rice-bran ''and cottonseed together account for more than half of the total oils produced in this process. It should be noticed that both of these are in the .normal course part of livestock feeds, and both of these necessarily enter the industrial system if their oil is at all to "be extracted. Rice-bran oil cannot be extracted without solvent extraction and cottonseed oil is not fit for human consumption without hydrogenation.

Amongst the edible oilseeds soyabean seems to be entering the solvent-extraction system in a big way. Its contribution of' about 30 thousand

TABLE - 21

Production of Major Vegetable Oils (Units: Thousand tons)

0ils Year	1960-61	1970-71	1975-76	1980-81
Groundnut	1094	1413	1516	1139
Rapeseed- Mustard	417	627	616	687
Sesamum	151	175	136	na
Linseed	149	141	180	na
Castor	38	47	50	na
Coconut	179	190	181	174
Total	2046	2593	2674	....
Cotton Seed	not available	100	175	269
Rice-brant	not available	21	36	139

tons, as of 1981, constitutes only 10% of the total solvent-extracted oils. However, considering that the total production of soyabean oil is only about half a lakh ton, and the production of soyabean seeds themselves is not much beyond 5 lakhs tons even in 1983-84, thirty thousand tons of solvent-extracted soyabean oil seems a big figure. What it implies is that almost all of soyabean cake enters the industrial system for solvent extraction, and perhaps further processing. Knowing that soyabean is basically an industrial crop this is perhaps not surprising. Solvent-extraction of oil from the-oilcakes of the five major oilseed crops accounts for about a quarter of the total production of solvent-extracted oils. However in terms of the total production of these oilseeds, and consequently their oilcakes, the amount of oil extracted does not seem to be large. It seems that solvent-extracted oil for each of these seeds constitutes only a few percent, always .less than five percent of the conventional production of oil from that particular seed. And, so far at least, not more than 10% of the oilcakes produced from these seeds seem to be entering the solvent extraction system. Nevertheless, even this 10% means, that much less oil and feed concentrates for average livestock consumption. -Of the forest produce salseed seems to be the major source of solvent-extracted oils. Besides salseed, mahua, neem and mango kernel are the other main products that are being taken up for solvent extraction. Total oil produced from these sources adds upto about thirty thousand tons, consitituting about 10% of the total solvent-extracted oils. Solvent extraction industry thus takes away about 10% of the edible oil cakes of the major oil seeds, almost all the soyabean cake, about 2 lakh tons of cottonseed cake, and about a million tons of rice-bran, (taking the solvent-extracted oil to be 10% of the bran or the cake), from the livestock feeds. With these feeds and some forest produce, the industry produces some three lakh tons of vegetable oils, of doubtful edible quality. Their edibility becomes suspect not only because of the nature of oils contained in the wide variety of oil-bearing materials used for solvent extraction, but also because of the unedible nature of the organic chemicals used as solvents in the process. At least some of the solvent extracted oils seem to be finding their way into vanaspati ghee, a popular cooking medium made from hydrogenated vegetable oils.

In fact with the strange variety of vegetable oils available to the industry in India today, labels on tins of vanaspati ghee read like recipes for the devil's brew these days. Take a recent example from the tin of a popular brand of vanaspati ghee (label on a tin of Punjab). It reads: 'Made from any or all of the following permissible vegetable oils: Cotton seed, Kardi, Mahua, Maize (Corn), Palm, Palmolein, Imported Rapeseed, Rice-bran, Salseed, Sesame, Sunflower, Water-melon seed, Solvent and Exp(eller) Mustard Oil'. It-is not our

TABLE – 22

Production of Solvent Extracted 011s in India (Unit: Tonnes)

Source	1977		1978		1979		1980		1981
Riice-bran	72	754	92	528	106	252	106	252	119	475
Cotton seed	14	85	15	347	17	343	17	176	24	298
Soyabean	2	419	7	992	16	167	29	551	27	470
Sunflower	2	689	1	320	1	402	2	526	3	858
Safflower	3	051	2	152	2	779	1	330	3	095
Niger seed		338		168		415		67		254
Groundnut	61	872	58	541	60	716	47	302	49	181
Rapeseed	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	-	9	932
Sesamum	1	576		257	1	001		857	1	543
Linseed	4	611	3	807	7	770		837		732
Castor	1	156		843	1	351	1	896	1	985
Coconut	1	432	3	323	3	984	3	051	2	050
Sal seed	9	954	11	153	15	247	9	654	15	769
Neem	4	970	5	865	4	123	7	503	6	428
Mahua	2	524	4	310	5	100	5	270	6	967
Mango Kernal		320	1	182		178		505	2	520
Micellaneous	2	143	4	823	3	043	4	196	4	015
Total	185	894	213	611	246	871	234	016	279	572

contention that edible oils besides the major conventional oils were not known 1n India. In the category of oils in the chapters on the properties of materials 1n Susruta Samhita, (Susruta Samhita, 1 45: 112-130), one can find listed a baffling range of oils which incidentally also include oils of mahua and mango-kernel. However, from the properties of various oils listed there,. 1t is clear that most of them are medicinal oils, and that not many vegetable oils could be appropriate for long term routine use. Introduction of new oils in the Indian diets without a full understanding of their long term effects seems a particularly rash attempt in a country where there is a tradition of being extremely careful about dietary habits, and where impact on human health of all substances used as food or medicine is so carefully observed and recorded as is done, for .example, in Susruta Samhita in its section on vegetable oils referred to above.

c) Import of Edible Oils: Another strategy adopted for quickly enhancing the availability of oils 1n the country has been to make large scale imports of vegetable oils from the international market. In Table 23 below we have listed the quantities of edible oils imported during the last few years and their value in rupees (26).

It seems that the import of vegetable edible oils rose suddenly in the mid-seventies to a staggeringly high level of more than a million tons and since then annual imports, except for a few exceptions, have always been above -this level. In 1983-84 it seems that 15 lakh tonnes of edible oils have been imported at a cost of 1200 crore rupees. In meeting the edible oil requirements of the country, through imports instead of enhancing indigenous production of oilseeds, we oft course lose valuable feed-concentrates which could have helped in enhancing the milk-production in the 'country and in improving the health of the draught 'animals. The massive imports that are being made however do not seem to be even related to the actual downfall in growth of edible oils that has taken place since the mid-sixties. It is true, as we have seen, that rate of growth in production, of oilseeds in the post-1965 period fell considerably below the rate achieved in the 1949-65 period. However, even during the 1967-80 period production of oilseeds has kept oh rising at a compound rate of slightly above 1% per annum (see Tablej13). Production of edible vegetable oils-.has grown at a rate higher than this 1% because of the contributions arising from non-conventional sources of edible oils, specially cottonseed oil (see Table 21). Therefore it seems that even though per capita availability of indigenous oils has not increased since the mid-sixties it has not gone down to any significant extent either. In fact availability of edible oils and vanaspati has remained steady at around 4kg/year per capita over the period of about one and a half decades between the early sixties and mid-seventies, during which not much edible oils were imported (see. Table 24 above). Large scale imports after this period have artificially hiked up the availability to the level of 6.7 kg per capita per year in 1983-84. These massive imports, often amounting to more than one third the total indigenous production of edible vegetable oils, are not easily understandable,

TABLE - 23

Cost and Tonnage of Edible Oil Imports 1972-84

Year	Quantity (tons)	Value (Rs. Crores)
1972-73	66 727	17.02
1973-74	184 948	57.78
1974-75	30 091	12.21
1975-76	27 523	15.42
1976-77	179 297	101.04
1977-78	1 282 625	703.32
1978-79	1 075 648	541.72
1979-80	726 754	433.07
1980-81	1 666 361	629.69
1981-82	1 000 000	625.30
1982-83	1 000 000	1000.00
1983-84	1 500 000	1200.00

TABLE - 24

Per. Capita Availability of Edible Oils and Vanaspati (Units: Kg per annum per caput)

Year	Edible oil	Vanaspati	Total	Year	Edible Oils	Vanaspati	Total
1955-56	2.5	0.7	3.2	1978-79*	3.8	1.0	4.7
1961-62*	3.2	0.8	3.9	1980-81(P)	3.8	1.2	5;0
1965-66*	3.0	0.8	3.9	1981-82(P)	4.9	1.3	6.2
1970-71*	3.2	1,0	4.2	1982-83(P)	4.4	1.2	5.6
1975-76*	3.3	0.8	4.1	1983-84(P)	5.5	1.2	6.7
* Triennial Average around the year indicated as midyear. Totals in these averaged rows may not agree because of rounding up of figures.
(P) Provisional.

TABLE – 25

Breakup of Imports of Vegetable Oils in India, 1975-79 (Units: Thousand Tons)

Oil	1975	1976	1977	1978	1979	% of Total (Average for 1975-1979)
Soyabean	4	151	441	513	535	42.8
Palm	62	26	330	486	396	33.1
Rapeseed	16	37	298	273	138	19.6
Sunflower	-	-	17	28	17	1.5
Groundnut	1		38	4	-	1.5
Coconut	-	2	19	23	16	1.5
Total	83	232	1133	1327	1122	100

especially when they seem to enhance the per capita availability much above the levels that have prevailed here earlier over a long period.

Oils imported consist mainly of oils that are not normally used as edible oils in India. It seems that some 40% of the import is of soyabean oil; palm and palmolein account for another 35% or so of the imported oils - see Table 25 (28). The remaining imports are largely of rapeseed oil. One of the reasons why edible oils are being imported in such large quantiti.es is that soyabean, palm, palmolein and rapeseed oils are cheaply available in the international market. After some processing and packaging these oils can be sold at a much higher price in the Indian market.. The large scale imports of edible oils are therefore perhaps being made purely as a commercial proposition. Or, maybe there is something more to these imports. The oils being imported, as we have seen, are-such that they cannot be acceptable without a lot of processing, to the Indian consumers, excepting perhaps those who have no choice - the indigent unfortunate buyers of these oils at the fair price shops. It seems therefore that an over-whelming proportion of the imported oils is going to the vanaspati

TABLE – 26

Utilization of Raw Oils in _the Manufacture of Vanaspati (Units: Thousand tons)

	1975-76	1976-77	1977-78	1978-79	1979-80	1980-81
Imported	60.0	250.2	481.1	495.6	487.8	690.2
Indigeneous traditional.	235.8	169.6	37.3	37.1	33.8	40.7
Indigeneous Non-traditional	225.8	152.4	84.7	184.1	128.9	665.1
Total	521.6	572.3	603.2	716.8	650.5	796.1

industry. The output of this industry has grown by more than 50% in the five years between 1975-76 and 1980-81, from about 5 lakh tons in '1975-76 to about 8 lakh tons in 1980-81 - see Table 26 (28).' More importantly, however, 88% of the raw oils used during 1975-76 in the industry consisted of indigenous oils, both traditional and norwtradi-tional, while in 1980-81 about 87% of the raw oils used for manufacturing vanaspati ghee happen to be imported non-conventional oils.

In fact it seems that more than half the quantity of imported oils is , ending up in this industry. This is, of course, an excellent way to f sell unpopular oils, because once hydrogenated and converted into the so-called vanaspati ghee their taste and flavour cannot be separately , recognised aha the consumer, especially the one who cannot or does not read the label, has: no way to find out what has gone into the r making of his cooking medium.

Looking at the growth of Vanaspati ghee, and also refined oil industry on the basis of cheap imported oiIs, one wonders whether the strategy , of large scale import of edible oils is actually designed to achieve the same results as were achieved through the import of gifted milk products in the case of Operation Flood. Is it that large scale import of 'cheap-oils are being resorted to so as to indirectly finance ' and induce the growth of oil processing, packaging and marketing t industry, and also to provide the initial supplies of edible oils necessary to help this industry in capturing a "commanding' share of the urban cooking medium market? Later, when the market has been captured and traditional supplies have been checked in their growth, the processing and marketing capacities generated can be supplied with soyabeans and other exotic oilseeds grown in industrial plantations, or alternatively the marketing clout could be used to deliver scarce supplies of traditional oils into the urban market. The fact that NDDB, the agency mainly responsible for planning the OF project has also been active in edible oils field is perhaps not merely accidental.

3.3. Impact of Modern Strategies on the Oil seeds Economy: The total impact of the modernisation programmes on the oi1 seeds economy of the country then has been the following. First during the mid-sixties introduction of modern agricultural techniques designed mainly for a few cereals crops led to a decline in the rate of growth of oilseeds, and consequently of both oils and oilcakes. Later, from the mid-seventies onwards direct modernising intervention in the oilseeds economy has been made through strategies aimed at popularising the cultivation of non-conventional Heeds, encouraging the solvent extraction of residual oils from oilcakes and other agricultural wastes meant for livestock feeding, and flushing the market with imported cheap oils. All these strategies as we have seen have militated against the possibility of enhancing availability of livestock nutrients through the conventional oilseeds agriculture. These strategies have also resulted in the introduction in our country of a variety of edible oils which are not normally acceptable to the Indian consumers. An overwhelming proportion of these indigenously produced and imported non-conventional oils therefore finds its way into the oil processing and marketing industry. There those oils are processed into vegetable ghee and sold to unsuspecting consumers, or are highly refined attractively packaged and aggressively advertised as the sophisticated cooking media that have always been popular with consumers of the developed countries. The remaining quantity of these non-conventional oils is either sold to the indigent consumers through fair price shops,, or is dumped in the market as cheap oils which are then picked up by the not so posh eating establishments. In fact one of the consequences of the availability of this large variety of unfamiliar edible oils of indifferent quality in the Indian market has been that eating out at an average establishment has become an .unpleasant exercise, and often a health hazard.

As a result of these modern strategies urban markets may have been kept well supplied with a variety of processed edible oils. These strategies may also have ensured the availability of more of oilcakes in the industrial system for conversion into compound feeds for the elite herds, or for export. However, such strategies could hot have helped in contributing towards improving, or even maintaining, the health and productivity of an average animal in India, or for that matter, of an average Indian himself.

CONCLUSION:

What can we learn about the phenomenon of modernisation from our experience of modernising milk and oilseeds sectors of Indian economy? Looking at' this experience the first aspect that becomes compellingly noticeable is the failure of modern techniques to maintain the necessary balance in the production of various essential commodoties, the balance which seems to be naturally present in the traditional patterns Of production.. (Thus when modern techniques are sought to be used to enhance production of cereals, production of pulses and oilseeds starts stagnating; or when availability of oils is sought to be improved,the availability of animal feed concentrates does not simultaneously rise; or when productivity of milk animals is enhanced through scientific breeding, the males turn out to be inadequate for the purpose of draught (30).

This failure is perhaps easily understandable. Modern techniques to solve problems of production are after all patterned on the model of .laboratory methods. Arid the essence of the scientific laboratory method, is to isolate the problem from its environment, to eliminate the inter linkages it has [with diverse other factors in nature, and to reduce it to the minimum possible number of controllable parameters. This laboratory strategy is of course immensely successful in compelling nature to perform miracles. Looking at a natural cow as a mere producer] of milk and scientifically breeding it to maximise the milk output of the progeny, one can make cows that will deliver unheard of quantities of milk. What these cows will need to perform their miracle of production is however a different question, which will need to be separately tackled,, probably, by devising economic instruments to deprive the ordinary cows of their normal rations in order to feed the miracle breeds. Such techniques can of course be used to enhance milk output of individual cows, but given the constraints on the total availability of feeds) and fodders, it is doubtful whether such techniques can be used to enhance the aggregate production of milk in the country.

In fact it seems extremely doubtful whether the modern scientific method, of isolating a phenomenon from its environment, can at all be used to design techniques for fulfilling the highly interlinked basic needs of a society, Conventional wisdom attempts to solve such problems by taking them in their entirety, with all their interlin-kages and their complexity. This commonsense method of looking at and solving societal problems within their natural setting, in vivo as it were, may not achieve miraculous results, but it seems to have proved t quite efficient in maintaining a balanced growth of essential commodities in functioning societies. We have seen this happening in Indian agriculture during the first fifteen years after independence.

For agriculture in China there seems to be-evidence to indicate that production there kept on increasing at a rate of 1 per cent per annum over a period of at least six centuries. About half of this growth 1n production could be attributed to increases in the productivity of land, which it seems was improved by arranging more irrigation, provi-ding more manure, and by selecting better yielding seeds and crops from amongst those growing in nature (31).

Traditional sciences, at least the traditional Indian sciences, seem to respect the commonsense method of looking.at the world in its integrity. They, it seems, seek to systematize the commonsense, to make it rigorous without destroying its essential unity in its multi-facted ness. Thus for Charaka Samhita, the canonical text of Indian medicine, science is dependent upon what the text calls yukti (32). And yukti by definition Is the intellect that perceives the phenomena brought into existence by the coming together of a multiplicity of causes (33). Again, perceiving the multiplicity of causes of which the phenomena are constituted, yukti is to bring together appropriate actions and materials at the appropriate time and place (34). Thus traditional Indian sciences even in their theoretical formulations define their; task to be a pragmatic understanding of the world in order to act appropriately within the natural complexity of this world. This is exactly what conventional wisdom and commonsense also attempt. Their objective is to find ways of healthily living in the world. They seek neither to dissect it, nor to change it. No miracles can be expected from the sciences and the methods that are modelled on commonsense. These however are perhaps the appropriate methods for finding ways of ensuring balanced production of essential commodoties, and for carrying on the mundane business of living.

Another aspect of modernity that seems to emerge rather strongly, especially from the experience of milk and oilseeds sector of .Indian economy, is the extraordinary-emphasis that it lays on processing and the trading activities, to the exclusion of all activities that help in enhancing production. Part of the reason for this emphasis is perhaps just that trading and processing are rather simple tasks. It is much easier to put up an array of processing plants at various places in the country and arrange to transport large quantities of milk between locations than to develop the milk production potential of the country. The engineering and marketing efforts turn out to be especially simple when much of the designs and strategies, if not the machines and managers themselves, can be imported outright. Helping millions of small farmers owning a cow or two each, in improving the milk yield of their animals on the other hand is a stupendous task for which no readymade solutions are available. The engineering and managerial skills available in the country, and internationally, are perhaps not even suited for this latter task which seems to be more, explicitly social and political. It would have been a different matter if enhancement in the production of milk were to be achieved not through) the cooperation of millions of small farmers but through the raising of special herds in huge industrially managed farms. The available managerial and engineering skills would have then come into their own, and the production task then would have acquired the glamour and the prestige that for the present seems to be associated with tradingland processing.' It would have also made manipulating production upwards or downwards easier. Unfortunately perhaps, Indian milk economy has not yet become expensive enough to support the industrial production of milk. , Till that eventuality takes place marketing and processing will remain the only fields of activity for the modern managers" and engineers.

This association of glamour and skill with trading and processing activities is of course not merely-accidental. There seems to be something inherent in "modernity that gives preference to trading, handling and manipulating of products and markets over the actual tasks of production. In fact, looking at the repeated failure of modern techniques to help in the balanced growth of basic commodities at a reasonable cost, it seems that modernity perhaps has only a secondary interest in productive activities. Its primary concern seems to be with controlling the output. And till this control, can be achieved through processing and marketing activities alone, it remains unnecessary and uneconomical to dabble in the complex task of basic production. To control this output, it may .become necessary, at a later stage, to control the production and productive resources too, but modernisation of an economy always seems to begin with opening, it up for trade, through technological means if possible, with force if necessary.

In fact it seems rather difficult to understand the logic of the mad rush with which processing, transportation and marketing facilities have been generated under the OF project to the exclusion of all activities designed ,to enhance milk production.. The logic of it seems even further queer when we see that much of the handling capacity generated is lying unutilized. This phenomenon starts becoming understandable only when we remember the inordinate emphasis that modernity lays on opening up an economy for trade. This is considered so important that it is not found necessary to insist that capital employed for this purpose must produce an appropriate return.

In this connection it is apt to recall the experience of the .laying down of the Indian railways during the latter half of the last century. 1 This was an event of much bigger magnitude and much greater historical importance than the OF project. But in essential details the two (events turn out to be very similar. Indian railways were constructed by the British at the threshold of the forced modrnisation of Indian economy. Lines were laid down in a great rush with borrowed foreign money. For a long time in the beginning these lines remained idle and uneconomical, and the state-guaranteed return on the capital employed was paid out of the public moneys. The real return from the railways came, however, in the form of opening up of Indian economy to foreign trade. The railways made it possible to dump cheap foreign goods in the Indian market and to carry cotton and food grains from the interiors of India to the port cities, to be shipped from there to the metropolis for processing and consumption (35). The project OF seems to have done for the rural milk- economy exactly what the railways did for Indian economy as a whole. Courtesy of this project, milk can now be drained from the rural areas to the cities irrespective of the production.

Colonization of the productive hinterlands then seems to be the real intent of modernisation. It seems odd that Indian managerial, engineering and scientific experts should get together to help in this activity of colonizing their own people, in their own country. But it should be remembered that once a system of organization gets to be accepted it creates a sort of blindness about its ultimate consequences. The priorities and objectives of the system tend to be implicity accepted, and the experts can then use their expertise only to maximise the parameters that the system defines to be desirable. Thus it happens that the experts in milk economy work efficiently to generate facilities for taking away milk from the villages to the cities, believing in all honesty that in 'the process they are doing the people and the country an immense good, believing also that by their trading activities they are helping in enhancing production of milk. Given the dominance of the modern system it is perhaps impossible to convince the experts of the inappropriateness of their beliefs. It may be possible to show that through their activities production has not actually risen. They shall then believe that it will rise in the long run. If so much effort, money and technology is being poured in, it cannot be without a beneficial effect. Modernisation cannot go waste. That is the sort of blindness that an accepted system can generate.

The Indian modernizer in fact gets a little more than his share of blindness. He is after all a new-comer in the game of modernity. And, he has to prove his modern credentials. A western expert can once in a while afford to transcend the system and take a look at the actual needs and preferences of his society, and at the consequences his actions are having on the society as a whole. An Indian expert can hardly afford such luxury. He is under pressure to show that he has fully imbibed the modern system, that, he fully accepts its universal and objective truth, and that he is not swayed by parochial considerations of the peculiar needs of his society or the preference and sensitivities of his people in his purist of modernity. This Intense (pressure often leads to a touch of madness, the consequences of which we often see-all around us. Let us conclude with a tragic example of such madness. A few years, back two. sc entists from an agricultural university in India wrote a paper for a symposium on energy and agriculture to be held in the United States of America. The main theme of the paper was to prove that though some of the traditional foods and commodities popular pin India are good and healthy, yet they happen to be simply too expensive for the poor Indians to afford, and therefore they" must switch to synthetic alternatives. Thus they prove that cotton is good but- India can afford only synthetic fibers, ordinary, foods are good but we can afford only soya milk and so on. In their search for synthetic surrogates for naturally available essential commodities these experts of ours discovered that on the basis of protein calorie input and output basis, the human female happens to be as efficient a producer of milk as the cow. Promptly they suggested: '....the efficiency of energy conversion in women is as good as in the cow. It has therefore been suggested that to meet the demand at least partially, this may be developed as a source of commercial food for infants from wet nurses in lactriums, as has been done in some Western countries (36).

This outrageous suggestion that human females-should be commercially milked has perhaps been rashly made in the first flush of scientific enthusiasm and objectivity by people who had not yet learnt the art of hiding their intent behind delicate phraseology. But the madness and the insensitivity towards the basic sentiments of Indian people represented in the above suggestion does not seem to be rare amongst the Indian modernisers.



Author:O.K. Bajaj, Oansatta, & Samir Shah and H.S. Shankar

Note:

* The notes and references of this article have already been published in Part I of this article.