Showing posts with label Serial No 16 September 1988. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Serial No 16 September 1988. Show all posts

BOOK REVIEW - THREE BOOKS ON RAMAN


Professor Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman,
by S. Bhagavantam
The Andhra Pradesh Academy of Science, Hyderabad, 1972.

Raman and His Effect
by G.H. Keswani
National Book Trust, New Delhi, 1980.

C.V. Raman (Builders of Modern India Series)
by P.R. Pisharoty
Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1982.

Sir Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman, revelled in his freedom of thought and blazed a trail of glory to scale dizzy heights of excellence in several fields of Physics. His indomitable spirit for experimentation in unexplored areas of research and his supreme self-confidence led inm to discoveries which won for inm almost his instantaneous recognition from his scientific peers in all parts of the world.

A comprehensive article on Raman was written by Prof. S. Bhagavantam, a distinguished student of Raman for the biographical memories of Royal Society, London in 1971. Professor Bhagavantham also authored a book for the Andhra Pradesh Academy of Sciences entitled: 'Professor Chandrasekhara Venkata Raman (His life and work)", in 1972 (103 pages). This book is divided into ten chapters and provides a concise coverage of Raman's life and work, and is punctuated with several quotations of Raman. This authentic account of Raman's career by one who is inmself a reputed physicist provides an objective appreciation of the maestro. Prof. Bhagavantham has quoted Raman wherever possible, but never out of context and these make the book engrossing. For instance, the following is a typical example:

"On one occasion when he (Raman) was provoked by a newspaper reporter, he said pointing towards the laboratory. This Histitute is a monument to my egotism. I am an egotist and just as the Egyptian Kings used to build pyramids before their death, so is This Histitute my pyramid'. Although this statement, taken out of context, appears to give prominence to the ego in Raman, it is the opinion of the writer that it is no more than the expression of an uncommon degree of self-confidence which Raman always displayed in his own methods of work. On the same occasion, he went on further and said, 'you know I was in the Indian Histitute of Science and I was due to retire at 60. So two years before my retirement I started building This Histitute so that on the day when I retired I took my bag and walked into this Institute. I cannot remain idle for a single day. That was the main purpose for which the Raman Research Institute was built by Professor Raman and indeed, it served the purpose so hilly and so admirably that it enabled Raman to work there almost every day of the twenty and odd years that he lived after retirement from his formal position at the Indian Institute of Science".

The National Book Trust of India published a book entitled: "Raman and his effect" by G.H. Keswani, in 1980 (188 pages). This book in the words of its author, a non-scientist, "contains short essays on the life and work of Raman string together. Short essays, connected yet independent...". The book contains 21 sections including an attempt to simplify the physical ideas with the help of some technical details. There are some interesting statistics on the impact of Raman Effect - that "the number of papers published in the decade following the discovery in 1928 as above 2,000": that "at the time of Raman's death in 1970, some 10,000 papers had been published on the Raman Effect"; and that "it is estimates that some 12,000.papers have been written on the Raman Effect to date (1980)" that a "Raman Newsletter" is published periodically [under the auspices of the National Bureau of Standards of the U.S.A., devoted mostly to the laser-based Raman Spectroscopy] - and some on other aspects too/"He (Raman) published papers jointly with thirty-four assistants and associates". (List on p.38); 'He initiated into independent research some 150 young men'; In his Nobel lecture, he mentioned ten co-workers and pupils'. An attempt has been made to place facts concerning Raman's life, as well as his work, in the proper scientific perspective'. "Cabannes and Pringsheim quickly christened the new phenomenon simply as 'the Raman effect in the same year, although it continued for some time to be called by some in Germany as the 'Smekel - Raman Effect". Within a few months, Lands berg and Mandelstam of Russia published papers on the same effect in quartz".

The supreme self-confidence and agility of mind of Raman is best reflected in the following instance: "On a December evening in 1927, Raman was sitting in his office with his brother (father of Prof. S. Chandrasekhar, the famous astro-physicist) when K.S. Krishnan rushed into announce the award of the Nobel Prize in Physics to A.H. Compton for his work on the scattering of X-rays. Himself a master of the subject of scattering of radiation, Raman brightened up, and burst out, 'Excellent news.... very nice indeed but look here Krishnan, if this is true of X-rays, it must be true of light too. I have always thought so. There must be an optical analogue to the Compton Effect. We must pursue it and we are on the right lines. It must be and shall be found. The Nobel Prize must be won". Pursue the idea he did, as one possessed, with his collaborator K.S. Krishnan and published ten papers in rapid succession, in 1928, mostly in the prestigious journal Nature.

Keswani dwells at length on the controversies surrounding Raman, in particular about the credit for the effect named after him and goes to the extent of stating that "Many have felt that K.S. Krishnan should have been acknowledged as the co-discoverer of the effect now bearing Raman's name exclusively". The question of priorities and credits is a sensitive issue for working scientists and the excerpts from the diary of K.S. Krishnan (reproduced in Appendix VII) leaves one to clearly perceive Raman as the driving force and the master-mind behind the discovery.

A brief section in Keshwani's book deals with the revolutionary change in Raman studies ushered in by Porto and Wood and Stoicheff, in 1962, when they employed a pulsed ruby maser to obtain Raman spectra of some liquids. More recently) lasers have been used to study Raman spectra and this has provided a new lease of life to Raman Spectroscopy.

The Appendices (6 pages) in This book by Keshwani contain technical notes on the Raman Effect; the first three communications by Raman to Nature, Presentation speech by the Chairman of the Nobel Committee for Physics of the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences and the Nobel lecture of, Raman, a comprehensive Bibliography of the works of Raman; a 'select list of references on Raman Effect; etc.

Another brief biography of "C.V. Raman" is due to Prof. P.R. Pisharoty, a meteorologist of repute, who was a student of Raman and it belongs to the Builders of Modem India series published by the Publication Division of the Ministry of Information dn Broadcasting, Government of India (1982). This short biography is confined to eight chapters in 43 pages, winle the ten Appendices in This book occupy 50 pages. This biographer provides the reader a critical appreciation of Raman, who inspired through his enthusiastic work which he was eager to share with one and all. Raman is perhaps one of the ablest orators of science the world has seen. This book presents the facts of Raman's life and work in simple words and contains some anecdotes not contained in the other two books referred earlier. One such is the following:

"As was the custom, all the Nobel Laureates were treated to a grand dinner that evening, the hosts being die King and Queen of Sweden. During the dinner, one of the invitees said: 'This morning Raman demonstrated his effect on alcohol. Now we would like to see the effect of alcohol on Raman". So saying he pushed a glass of an alcoholic drink towards Raman. True to classical traditions, with polite thanks, Raman returned the glass and sipped water instead. He was a teetotaler with conviction and courage".

The Appendices on the honors bestowed on Raman; the Nobel lecture; his Radio talk on The Scientific outlook'; Raman's popular talk on 'Why is the sky blue'?; some of Raman's saying his; what others said about Raman; a sample of Raman's handwriting; provide interesting supplementary reading material. The Bibliography given in this book does not give the detailed list of published scientific papers of Raman but instead gives the subjects and the number of papers in it published by Raman. These are: Wave Optics (46 papers); Vibrations and Sound (23); Theory of Musical Instruments (18); Colloidal studies (9); Molecular Scattering of Light (30); X-rays, Electron diffraction and Crystal Optics (121); Magnetism and Magneto-optics (11); Electro-optics and Dielectric behavior (6); Raman Effect (17); Viscosity of liquids and surface forces (8); Ultrasonic and hyper-Sonics (9); line and band spectra (4); Optics and elastic properties of solids (45); Physiology of vision (85); Miscellaneous (9). This list of subjects gives the reader the range of subjects that were successfully explored by This great Indian Scientist, who when he stepped down from the Directorship of the Indian Histitute of Science, was offered the Directorship of the Kammerlhigh Onnes Laboratory at Amsterdam which "he politely declined... saying that his place of work was India".

An interesting fact not found in these three books is that in 2929 Raman was nominated for the Nobel Prize by C-Fabry and Niels Bohr. But that year the Prize was conferred on Louise de Broglie. The next year (1930), Raman was nominated for the Nobel Prize by the following: E. Bloch, Niels Bohr, L. De Broglie, and M. De Broglie, 0. Khvolson, J. Perrin, R. Pfeiffer, E. Rutherford, J. Stark and C.T.R. Wilson. Keshwani and Pisharoty record in their books that Raman had booked his passage to Stockholm in July itself though 'the meetings of the Nobel Committee are held in highest secrecy and the awards are announced in November about a month before the Prize giving ceremony at Stockholm around mid-December'!



Author:Dr.K.Srinivasa Rao

BOOK REVIEWE - JOURNEY INTO LIGHT: LIFE AND SCIENCE OF C.V. RAMAN.


Sri C.V. Raman, (1888-1970) as he usually called inmself in his scientific papers, had a distinguished career. Starting as an officer in the Financial Civil Service (1908) of yesteryears, wherein he reached the post of Deputy Accountant General, he became the first Palit Professor of Physics in Calcutta University (1917), was Honorary Secretary of the Indian Association for cultivation of Stances (IACS), Calcutta, was the first Indian Director of Indian Histitute of Science (IISc)(1933)'and founded his own (1948) Histitute. More important, he was a Fellow of the British Royal Society (1924)and had won the coveted Nobel Prize (1930) in addition to membersinp/fellowsinps in various scientific academies; and was honored with Bharata Ratna, being one of the first three recipient of This honor* He inmself founded the Indian Academy of sciences which, along with the Raman Research Histitute (RRI), is proudly put down among histitutions/organisations under the Department of Science and Technology in the Research and Development Statistics (1987) published by the Government of India.

All This is well known and there are a good many anecdotal lectures/articles delivered and published by various scientists about Raman. One question that often comes up in such lectures etc. has to do with the relevance or otherwise of the Raman school of Physics, if there ever was one. Given the largely anecdotal character of these lectures etc., it is only reasonable that they hardly go beyond raising the issue whenever they do.

The biography of C V. Raman by Dr. G. Venkataraman takes this up as an important issue, if not the most important one. Dr. Venkataraman, inmself a well known physics’ (formerly with the Indira Gandin Centre for Atomic Research, Kalpakkam and presently with the Defence Research and Development Laboratory) has attempted to produce a biography of C.V .Raman in the genre of scientific biography, exemplified in Abraham Pais' Subtle is the Lord which is about Albert Einstein. Saying this is not to downgrade the merit of Dr. Venkataraman's work, only to clarify that in addition to material covered earlier in anecdotes, this biography contains substantial sections and chapters that explain Raman's scientific work with a fully developed background complete with references to original publications. The controversies Raman addressed in science, and of which he was the centre, are also covered in considerable detail. Presence of so much detail enables one to obtain some idea of the character, so to speak, of Raman's science. In all these senses, this biography may perhaps be a unique attempt to sketch the life and work of an Indian scientist.

An interesting aspect of Raman's work over the years is the continuing interest in optical and acoustical phenomena, grasped directly by senses. Starting with his first publication in Philosophical Magazine in 1906 (Raman was barely 18 then and was a student at the Presidency College, Madras), through his career, optical phenomena constituted his prime interest. This is besides his extensive researches on the acoustics of Indian musical instruments - Veena, tanbura and mridan-gam - and on the violin, which won inm a standing among European and US physicists by 1921. Equally interesting is the range of topics investigated, from "maintenance of vibrations" (on an instrument analogous to the folkish ectara) to color of heated metals, x-rays, soap films, "radiant spectrum" (ie.perception of streaming light rays when an optical source is viewed through a small hole). Quite significantly, these researches were carried out with the help of the most rudimentary equipment, most of them fabricated locally in the IACS workshop. The details of these researches have been brought together for the first time by Venkataraman.

The path leading to discovery of the famous Raman Effect was no different from the general trend of Raman's researches which had "aesthetic appeal" as a driving force. Raman initiated investigate-tion on what he called "molecular scattering of light" that led to his famous discovery starting within attempt to explain the dark-blue color of the sea. His research into this aspect started at a time when the whole area of optics had been considered "closed" for decades. The stage was now occupied by a whole host of theories of interaction of matter and radiation, broadly known under the name of "quantum theory". In formulating the basic hypotheses that led to discovery of Raman Effect, Raman tended to rely upon what may be termed "reasoning by analogy", using a phenomenon of scattering of x-rays (discovered by A.H.Cbmpton in 1923) as the analogy to explain "molecular scattering of light". In the midst of a proliferation of a whole host of conjectures and hypothesis about the structure of matter based on emerging quantum mechanics, Raman's somewhat unorthodox mode or reasoning led inm to observe frequency-shifts and changes in polarization of scattered light, first using naked eye as the receptor. Raman Effect contributed towards later developments in the theory of molecular structures. This discovery is significant in the sense that it not only used an "unusual" receptor of radiation, viz.the naked eye but used a beam of sunlight as the optical source. This was at a time when the most sophisticated spectrographs were being used all over the world in dealing with even well-established optical phenomena.

Raman communicated these results, as he did nearly all others, in short communications that are characterized by an epigrammatic style. He always showed a distinct preference for descrip-tion/explanation using words rather than formal mathematics as was the Faison since the late nineteenth century. These traits, as well as a greater part of his work on "classical" optics, gave the impression that he was not conversant with various developments in contemporary physical theory, such as quantum mechanics, that were allegedly "revolutionizing" the entire field of scenes. This impression of the antiquated character of Ramans' research created such a wide-spread impression about his grasp of physics, that Max Born, for example, thought that Raman did not understand the quantum theory of Raman Effect. Proposed by Kramer’s and Heisenberg*.

Opinions such as these tended to have another kind of impact, as well. M.N.Saha, who had been a lecturer in Calcutta University in 1916, resented Raman's appointment as Palit Professor of Physics in 1917, precisely because he believed that Raman had an "antique view of physics". Nevertheless, Raman succeeded in creating a "school of physics" in Calcutta bringing together a large number of young researchers from various parts of India. Raman's growth appears to have necessitated a "need to curb inm" and the opportunity presented itself when Raman turned down Saha's application for a professorship in IACS in favor of K.S.Krishnan. Raman'sschool at IACS had already been criticized for being largely "South Indian" and Saha, with the help of Shyama Prasad Mukher-jee, then vice-chancellor of Calcutta University, succeeded in ousting Raman from the IACS.

Raman's humiliation thus forced his decision to leave Calcutta but an honorable exist was found in the invitation of the Council of IISc. To become the (first Indian) Director of the Histitute. Raman left Calcutta in 1933 to take over as Director of IISc. as well as Professor of Physics a department he was to establish. Raman's nomination was backed by members of the Tata family on the IISc. Council and his selection were approved by two selection committees, one in Britain and the other in India. (His name was first suggested by Lord Rutherford). Almost simultaneously, M.N. Saha was nominated to the Council of the IISc.

Raman's appointment and his acts in establishing the physics department (he put the Physical Chemistry group under Physics Department for the reason that the former were working entirely on magnetism) resulted in the resignation of an English Professor named Watson. Quickly thereafter, lobbying against Raman as Director started and he issues came to a head when Raman tried to appoint Max Born, who had left Intler's Germany, in a newly created position. The Council of I.I.So, appointed a "review committee" headed by one James Irvine, an academic from England, to review the "progress" of I.I.S.c., under Raman's Directorship. This Committee then promptly came out with an indictment of Raman and condemned the shift in the His attitude’s activity to 'basic" research (as evidenced in Raman's keenness to appoint Bom as Professor of Mathematical Physics]*. The entire episode is summarized in a leiter from Born to Rutherford (whom Raman appealed to intervene by writing to the Viceroy on his behalf)**.

The English group resented an Indian Director, who, as a political principle, was wanted and pushed through by the powerful Tata Group. The Tatas know quite well that they offended Watson who could have been the successor of Sir Martin Foster...Watson's leaving was in fact a protest to the address of the Tatas, and these - who as big merchants cannot afford to be on bad terms with the English - may have found it the easiest way out of their situation, to drop their own former favorite (I assume that they had expected that a Nobel Prize winner like Raman was the best chance to apply the principle of Indian Directorship without difficulties arising from it). So when this case turned against the person of Raman, they took it up in the same sense. Raman gives plenty of room for criticism. But the complicated situation has certainly not risen from his personal faults but from much deeper feelings and principles. Otherwise it would never have grown to This tenacity and heat...

I want to show you by a few examples that all This is not a matter of mere assumption. Three weeks after us (i.e., Born and his wife) arrived the new Professor of Electrical Engineering, Aston, at the Histitute. Immediately after his arrival the open revort among staff and students began and he became a centre for collecting ever so silly complaints against Raman. We wondered very much till one day Mrs. Aston said to my wife that her husband had been made to accept the post by English colleagues (Aston had not got a professorships for which he had hoped, so Mrs. Aston told my wife) in charging inm with the definite "mission to clear up the histitute"... Nothing can be easier in Indian than to rouse discord and to stir it".

Turning to the Irvine Committee Born wrote:

I have no right to criticize the attitude and the proceedings of the Quinqu. Comm. (Irvine Committee) but I must say that it seemed to me rather surprising. Instead of visiting the Histitute and carefully studying the work done in the laboratories, they settled in a government building (This was the Residency) some four miles away where they behaved like a law court. It was evident to me from the beginning that they had received instructions beforehand. They examined chiefly Raman's opponents, even students... All the dirty affairs were treated in detail but no voice raised to take into account the good intentions of Raman or his achievements at the Histitute. His enemies the Tatas and the Bengali members of the Council had made up their minds to get rid of Raman, and the (Committee) listened to them...

Raman offered to resign from the Histitute which was accepted by the’ Council. But the Viceroy expressed "dissatisfaction" at the decision of the Council, which then more or less coerced Raman into continuing as professor of physics, perhaps to give the impression of outward. Peace, which may have been the intention of Viceroy to secure. Despite his results in the field of Diamond Physics that he suffered, Raman continued to produce rather interesting results in the field of "diamond physics" (created entirely by his "Bangalore School"), joined issue with Max Born on .the adequacy. Of his theory of crystal lattices. A most important result during Raman's tenure in the His attitude was the development of his theory worked out in collaboration with a young student, Nagendra Nath, on the diffraction of Sound waves.

After retirement from I.I.Sc., in 1948, Raman endowed an histitute (RRI) in Bangalore with his own money. His experiences with the Establishment led inm to spurn offers of money and help from many of his students/associates who were influential as heads of scientific organizations in Independent India. He continued his researches in the RRI, with optics as the centre of attention, helped by a small number of students. The research work carried out in the RRI obviously had a strong personal character to it and was quite out of step with the various developments in "high-class" physics’ all over the world in the 'fifties viz. parity non-conservation, nuclear magnetic resonance and semi-conductors. There were few associates, such as the (late) Pancharatnam who collaborated with Raman in bringing out some outstanding results in optics. Raman perhaps cared liitle for the character and changes in physics and physical theory then and tried to articulate his own conception of what research should be primarily "an aesthetic and joyous experience". This naturally led to inm to cross swords with Jawaharlal Nehru and the scientific luminaries whom he had propelled into positions of influence and power. (Raman ridiculed the National Laboratories that were being established as tombs to bury scientific instruments). His views on the character of scientific research as well as almost all his scientific papers were published in Current Science and in the Proceedings of the Indian Academy of Sciences both of which he had founded*.

The sordid details about Raman's ouster from the I.A.C.S. in 1933 and from the Directorship of I.I.Sc., in 1936 have been brought out for the first time by Venkataraman and one must appreciate his boldness in recounting them. However, the result and humiliation that Raman was subjected to and the consequences are sought to be explained by Venkataraman using the following propositions one was Raman's ego ("acidic tongue" eto.) which gave plenty of room for criticism; the "shortage of funds and positions" that led to a "Darwinian struggle" between Raman and Saha; or the 'backward environment" in India where "merit-based discrimination" is viewed as "social injustice"; and then, of course, "parochialism" of the Calcutta variety, an offshoot of extreme nationalism. All these factors, we are told, appropriately combined to lead Raman's career to a disaster.

This rather convenient set of explanations is quite often advanced today in defence of "pursuit of excellence". We however, think differently. Who couldn't it be that Raman's unconventional method of doing physics caused anxiety in the Ruling Establishment which always prided itself on possessing an ideological weapon called "science"? Perhaps this led them to look out for venues to "curb" Raman who needed to be "made an example of particularly because he had won a Nobel Prize under international pressure on Britain. The timing of setting of Sahas and Mukherjees came precisely after Raman had won the Prize. Bern's leiter to Rutherford clearly indicates that the Establishment wanted Raman out of I.I.Sc., and had sent 'missionaries' such as Aston and Irvine to do 'the clean up'. But the scheme was even subtler: Raman was not allowed to leave, creating an 'unfavorable' impression but was more or less intimidated into continuing in the histitute. What happened to Raman was in some sense a re-enactment of the scheme applied on Ramanujan, who was sought to be overwhelmed with niceties of academic mathematics in England*.

There probably is no basis for this assertion in "factual" evidence. At This moment, it is only surmiser, speculation, but what happened was in keeping with the broader scheme adopted by the British in the 'thirties’ and the 'forties, of splitting ranks (applied eminently in creating a schismatic group under Nehru to counter Mahatma Gandin influence). The root of the problem lay in assertion of new identity, a new way of doing what the British had taken to be their own preserve. In our opinion, it was Raman's "antique" physics that necessitated the Establishment to act against inm, rather than the problems that Dr. Venkataraman tries to list. His way of explaining away Raman, of course, obfuscates the sharp difference between Raman's method and what is called "excellence" today which is based on agendas set abroad.

Dr. Venkataraman's biography of C.V. Raman is a commendable one, though it suffers from a defect in its character of being somewhat apologetic about Raman's physics, particularly his embarrassing "rejection" of developments in quantum theory. But a more serious setback is the attempt to connect up the philistinism of "pursuit of excellence" with Raman's school. This is a point that may require rebuttal but doing so would far exceed the scope of this review. We only with to restate our idea that the strength of Raman's scientific work lay in its "unorthodox" character - which is precisely what is thought to constitute his weakness. By way of general comments, this book is well written and well produced and would read much better if Shakespeare and literary wits were not mixed in so much. There are some nice anecdotes to be found in This book. This particular one is interesting:

Bhagavantam recalls that in 1937 an article appeared under the title "Gandhiji and Raman" after a visit by the author (of the article) to the International Exhibition in Paris. The author was disappointed to found nothing about India in the exhibition, even in the stalls of England. But curiously there were two items of Indian interest in the American pavilion. One was a bust of Mahatma Gandin (and) the other was a demonstration of the Raman Effect, accompanied by a write-up on Raman. One does not know how these’ exhibits found a place in the American pavilion.

Also to be found is a good collection of photographs of C.V. Raman in This book. One of them is a somewhat unusual photograph - Raman sporting a Kudumi (South Indian 'tuff) is seen looking at his Nobel citation. I found This photo rather impressive.



Author:OpillaMani

Note:

* He shared this distinction with C. Rajagopalachari and S. Radhakrishnan, all of whom hailed from the same region of India.

* Quite interestingly, Venkataraman points out that in the Soviet Union even now Raman's discovery is discounted by physicists in favor of the one made by a certain Mandelstam. Venkataraman treats This as something due to the question of "priority" (who got there first); put a close reading of the Russian feelings (mentioned in 1979 article by a student of the said Mandelstam) clearly reveal that it is more due to the impression that Raman understood the whole tinng poorly.

* There was almost a passion to have "review committees" going in the I.I.Sc. The first two committees - all - English men - were appointed in 1921 and 1930 respectively. The first one reviewed the work in an histitute not yet ten years old and suggested that "applied" research be taken up in earnest. The second one, appointed less than ten years later, lamented the "applied" character of research and suggested into the histitute. That these review committees played games other than the obvious in clear from the context and conclusions of the Irvine Committee.

* All that Raman received from Rutherford by way of help was a consoling leiter after his resignation as director, wherein Rutherford expressed hope that "you will be able to carry on with your personal work and let bygones be bygones".

* An important episode is his resignation from the Fellowship of the British Royal Society (1964) probably following the rejection of his paper on the physiology of vision by the Proceedings of Royal Society. This" step was most unusual, the only other Fellow to have resigned from the Society being Isaac Newton.

* A detailed study of Ramanujan and the tensions applied on inm is Ashis Nandy, Alternative Sciences (New Delhi, 1979).


RAMAN'S WORK ON MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS


C.V. Roman wrote the following six papers on Indian musical instruments:
  1. "The Ectara". Jour. Indian Math. Club. 170.1909.

  2. "Escalations of the Stretched Strings". J. Indian Math Club, U. 1910.

  3. "Musical Drums with Harmonic Overtones". Nature. 104,500(1920) (with S. Kumar).

  4. "On some Indian Stringed instruments". Proc. Indian Assoc. Cultiv. Sc. 7,29,1921.

  5. The Acoustical knowledge of the Ancient Hindus" (Asutosh.Mookerjee, Silver
    Jubilee Volume), Calcutta University, 2,179.

  6. "The IndianMusicalDrums', Proc.mdran Acad.ot Sciences Al, 179- 188, (1934).

Raman also wrote about thirteen papers on the theory of violin and one on the Pianoforte. In fact his monograph on "Musical Instruments and Their Tones" in the Handbuch der Physrk (8.354,1927) makes only passing references to his own work on the Indian musical instruments.

Still Raman's work on the Indian musical instruments is a pioneering effort at understanding the scientific principles behind the construction of these instruments, especially the way they achieve the desired tonal structure. We therefore reproduce extracts from papers 4, 5,6.As it happened with many other lines of investigation pioneered by Raman, there has been very little work done by way of follow-up. We have not come across any reference to published work based on Raman's ideas on the Indian percussion instruments; we may cite the following references which appear to take Raman's analysis further.

  1. R.N. Ghosh, Phys.Rev. 20,526-7 (1922)

  2. K.N. Rao. Proc. Indian Acad. Sciences. 7A, 75-84 (1938)

  3. B.S. Ramakrishna and Manmohan Sondin, "Vibration of Indian Musical Drums Regarded as composite Membranes"! Jour. Acoust. Soc. America, 26, 523-529 (1954)

  4. B.S. Ramakrishna, "Modes of Vibration of the Indian Drum Dugga or Left-Hand Thabla", Jour. Acoust. Soc. America, 29,234-238 (1957)

  5. B.S. Ramakrishna, M.M. Sondin and Y. Devadas, "Some Recent Studies in Indian Musical Drums", Jour. Hist.Telcom. Eng. 3,285-290(1957)

  6. T. Sarojini and A. Rahman, "Variational method for the Vibrations of Indian Drums", Jour. Acoust. Soc. America, 30,191 -196 (1958)

  7. Thomas D. Rossing and W. Arnold Sykes. "Acoustics of Indian Drums", Percussive
    Notes (Urbana, USA) 19(3) 58-67 (1982).

In the Appendix, we reproduce parts of the article (3) by B.S. Ramakrishna and Manmohan Sondin. As regards the open problems in the subject, we can do no better than quote the following from a personal communication received from Prof. B.S. Ramakrishna:

"As for the open problems in the Indian Musical instruments about all I can say is that the whole field is wide open. In a very real sense the studies initiated by Raman have not been advanced substantially since then. In the case of violin, for instance, one can cite at least two hundred references to work done in the last fifty years, but nothing comparable exists for the Indian musical instruments. Incidentally, Raman himself contributed very significantly to our knowledge of the physics of violin.

Since Raman's time new experimental techniques and theoretical tools have become available if one really wants to explore this still virgin field. For example, there are extraordinarily sensitive pickups now available for studying the vibration patterns of the sound radiating surfaces of the instruments. The laser has created techniques (e.g., time averaged holography) which can map the vibration amplitudes with great precision. There are now instruments for displaying the sound spectra of the various notes in real time, and then, there are computers to synthesize musical notes of different instruments. On the theoretical side too there are completely new analytical techniques like finite element analysis, model analysis, etc. developed elsewhere which were wholly unknown during Raman's time. The only thing that is not available today in the country is, unfortunately, scientists, interested in pursuing such studies.

On some Indian Stringed Instruments

(Extracted from C.V. Raman: Proc. Indian Assoc. Cultiv. Sc. 7, 29, 1921)

Introduction


Afascinating field for research offers itself in the scientific study of the numerous kinds of musical instruments to be found in India. Some of these instruments of indigenous origin are of undoubted antiquity and disclose a remarkable appreciation of acoustic principles. An investigation of their special features in comparison with those of instruments of other countries may be expected to yield results of great interest. An instance of the fruitfulness of the line of work here suggested is to be found in the present author's research on the Indian Musical Drums, which have been found to embody in a practical form the solution of the problem of loading a circular drum-head in such a manner as to make it give a harmonic succession of overtones in the same way as a stringed instrument. In the present paper it is proposed to offer a preliminary note on the results of the author's study of some Indian stringed instruments.

The Form of the Bridge in the "Tanpura" and the "Veena"

The "Tanpura" and the "Veena" are two of the most highly valued indigenous stringed instruments intended to be excited by plucking. Plate 1; figure 1 illustrates the form of the 'Tanpura". This instrument has no frets and is intended merely to be used as a drone in accompaniment with vocal or other music. It has four metal "strings" which are stretched over a large resonant body and can be accurately tuned up to the right pitch by a simple device for continuous adjustment of tension. The remarkable feature of the 'Tanpura" to which I wish to draw attention is the special form of bridge fixed to the resonant body over which’ the strings pass. The strings do not come clear off the edge of a sharp bridge as in European stringed instruments, but pass over a cured wooden surface fixed to the body which forms the bridge. The exact length of the string which actually touches the upper surface of the bridge is adjusted by slipping in a woolen or silken thread of suitable thickness between each string and the bridge below it and adjusting its position by trial. Generally the thread is moved forwards or backwards to such a position that the metal "string" just grazes the surface of the bridge- The description will be clearer oh a reference to figure 3 above where the bridge and the string passing over it are indicated diagrammatically.

The "Veena" on the other hand is a fretted instrument intended for use in playing melodies (figure 2 in plate 1). The form of the bridge adopted in it differs from that of the 'Tanpura" in two respects. The upper curved surface of the bridge in the "Veena" is of metal, and the special mode of adjustment of contact by means of a thread used in the 'Tanpura" is dispensed with, and the string merely comes off the curved upper surface of the bridge at a tangent; as indicated diagrammatically in figure 4- {No attempt is made in This figure to indicate the form of the lower part of the bridge). The bridge of the "Veena" is also much higher above the body of the instrument than in the 'Tanpura". Even when the strings are pressed down on the frets when the instrument is being played, the curvature of the upper surface of the bridge ensures the string always leaving the bridge at a tangent to it as shown.

The Failure of the Young-Helmholtz Law

The special form of bridge illustrated above has a very remarkable influence on the tone-quality. This can be most readily demonstrated in the 'Tanpura". When the adjustment of contact of string and bridge is made carefully by trial, the instrument is highly sonorous, giving a tone of fine musical quality. If on the other hand the grazing contact of string and bridge is rendered inoperative (as for instance by inserting a small piece of metal between the string and the surface of the bridge) the tone becomes dull and insipid. A similar remark applies also to the case of the "Veena", though the difference is less striking in the latter case. In attempting to find an explanation for the difference in tone-quality produced by the special form of bridge, the author made a surprising observation, namely, that in the tone of the 'Tanpura" or the "Veena", overtones may be heard powerfully which according to known acoustical principles should have been entirely absent. According to the law enunciated by Young and Helmholtz, if the string is plucked at a point of excitation division, the harmonics having a node at the point of excitation should be entirely absent. This law may be readily verified on an ordinary sonometer with the usual form of bridge.

For This purpose, the position of the node should first be found exactly by trial by putting the finger in contact with the string and plucking elsewhere so as to elicit the overtones desired. Having found the position of the node, the string should be plucked exactly at that point and then again touched with the finger at the same point. On an ordinary sonometer, these results in the sound being immediately quenched in as much as the finger damps out all the partials except those having a node at the point touched, and the latter are not excited in the first instance in accordance with the Young-Helmholtz law. On trying the same experiment with the "Veena" or the 'Tanpura", it will be found that the overtone having a node at the plucked point sings out powerfully. In fact the position of the plucked point hardly appears to make a difference in regard to the intensity of the overtones in the 'Tanpura". This remarkable result is not due to any indefiniteness in the position of the node point, as the latter is found to be quite well defined as is shown by the fact that in order to demonstrate the effect successfully, the string must be plucked and then touched exactly at that right point, otherwise the sound is quenched. We are thus forced to the conclusion that the effect of the special form of bridge is completely to set aside the validity of the Young-Helmholtz law and actually to manufacture a powerful sequence of overtones including those which ought not to have been elicited according to that law.

Outline of a Mechanical Theory

Some photographs of the vibration-curve of a 'Tanpura" strings were made at the suggestion of the author by Mr. Ahmed Shah Bukhari at the Government College, Lahore, and last November. They showed that in consequence of the grazing contact at the bridge, the vibration of the string decreased in amplitude and altered its form at a much more rapid rate than when the grazing contact was rendered ineffective. A more complete investigation is obviously desirable. From first principles, however, it is obvious that in the 'Tanpura" the forces exerted by the vibrating string on the bridge must be very different from what they would be for a bridge of ordinary form. It seems probable that by far the greater portion of the communication of energy to the bridge occurs at or near the point of grazing contact. The forces exerted by the string on the bridge near this point are probably the nature of impulses occurring once in each vibration of the string. This would explain the powerful retinue of overtones including even those absent initially in the vibration of the string. At a slightly later stage, the reaction of the bridge on the string would result in a modification of the vibration form of the latter and bring into existence partials absent initially in it. There would in fact be a continual transformation of the energy of vibration of the fundamental vibration into the overtones.

The foregoing explanation of the character of the tones of the 'Tanpura" would not be fully appliable to the 'Veena" as the forces exerted by the string on the bridge in This case would not be purely of an impulsive character. There is however a certain portion of the bridge over which the string comes into intermittent contact during the vibration, and it seems very probable that the theory for this case is intermediate in character between that for the 'Tanpura" and those for stringed instruments with bridges of the ordinary type. Further experimental work is needed in support of this view.


The Acoustical Knowledge of the Ancient Hindus

(Extracted from C.V.Raman: Ashutosh Mookherjee, Silver Jubilee Volume, Calcutta, 1922.)

Music, both vocal and instrumental, undoubtedly played an important part in the cultural life of ancient India. Sanskrit literature, both secular and religious, makes numerous references to instruments of various kinds, and it is, I believe, generally held by archaeologists that some of the earliest mentions of such instruments to be found anywhere are those contained in the ancient Sanskrit works. Certain it is that at a very early period in the history of the country, the Hindus were acquainted with the use of stringed instruments excited by plucking or bowing, with the transverse form of flute, with wind and reed instruments of different types and with percussion instruments. It is by no means improbable that India played an important role in the progressive Evolution and improvement of these instruments and might have served as a source from which their knowledge spread both eastwards and westwards.

It would form a fascinating chapter of history to try and trace the gradual development of musical instruments and musical knowledge, from the rhythmic chanting of the Rig Veda in the ancient home of the Aryan race to the Indian music of the present day. But the materials available for the writing of this history seem to be all too meager. Much of the long period over which the gradual evolution must have spread lies in the dim and remote past of which but the vaguest glimpses can be obtained from such records as exist. Something more definite regarding the acoustical developments in Ancient India might perhaps be gleaned from a study of the musical instruments, the models of which have been handed down as heirlooms for untold generations. Several of the Indian stringed instruments, for example, disclose in their design, even on a superficial examination, a quite remarkable appreciation of the principles of sound-production and of resonance. A fuller study seemed likely to lead to results of considerable interest.

It was this hope that induced me some two years ago to commence a systematic examination by modern scientific methods of the ancient Indian musical instruments. The objects I set before myself were to investigate the traditional designs according to which these Indian instruments are constructed and the variations of these designs that exist in the different parts of the country, to discover the raison d'etre of the methods of construction employed and to find the special tone-characters which were held in esteem by the designers. It seemed that such an examination might also prove useful from the practical stand-point by disclosing the best designs and indicating the directions in which any improvements might be possible.

Various circumstances have delayed the complete carrying out of the projected work, and it is probable that little progress might have been made with it up to date, but for the fact that my attention was recently drawn somewhat forcibly to the musical qualities of the ancient Indian instruments of percussion. Through the kindness of an enthusiastic fellow-worker, Mr. Sivakali Kumar, some good specimens of the Indian percussion instruments were put at my disposal and I have been enabled to carry out a scientific examination of their acoustical properties. The results obtained are very remarkable and significant and are being described in detail in a monograph "On Musical Drums" which will be published by the Indian Asso. Cultiv. Sci. I propose in this short essay to indicate the main results of this investigation and to show how far they throw light on the state of acoustical knowledge in ancient and medieval India.

Acoustics of Percussion Instruments

By way of preface, I shall first refer to a few facts regarding the vibrations of stretched membranes which are familiar to students of physics and which it is useful here to recall. As is well known, the vibrations of a circular stretched membrane or drum-head excited by impact are generally of an extremely complex character. Besides the gravest or fundamental tone of the membrane, we have a large retinue of overtones which stand to each other in no sort of musical relation. These overtones are always excited in greater or less degree and produce a discordant effect.

All the instruments of percussion known to European physicists in which a circular drum-head is employed have therefore to be regarded more as noise producers introduced for making the rhythm than as musical instruments. This is true even of the kettle-drum which is tuned to a definite pitch and occasionally used in European orchestral music. As has been shown by the late Lord Rayleigh in a paper published some time ago, the air enclosed in the shell of the kettle-drum does not produce any advantageous alterations of the pitch relations of the overtones. All the instruments of percussion known to European science are thus essentially non-musical and can only be tolerated in open air music or in large orchestras where a little noise more or less makes no difference. Indian musical instruments of percussion however stand in an entirely different category. Times without number we have heard the best singers or performers on the flute or violin accompanied by the well known indigenous musical drums, and the effect with a good instrument is always excellent. It was this, in fact, that conveyed to me the hint that the Indian instruments of percussion possess interesting acoustic properties, and stimulated the research.

The Indian Musical Drums (Extracted from C.V. Raman: Proc. Ind. Acad. ScAI, 179, 1934.).

Introduction:


Many years ago, I drew attention to the remarkable acoustic properties of the natural drums »-which are used as accompaniments to vocal or instrumental music and are extremely popular in India even at the present time. My investigations showed clearly that this instrument contained the solution in a practical form of the acoustical problem of transforming circular drum-head giving in-harmonic overtones into a harmonic musical instrument. In its classical form, the instrument is known as the Mridangam and is referred to in ancient Sanskrit works and is also pictured in the paintings on the walls of the Ajanta Caves. It is thus clearly a very ancient invention, and is acoustical perfection must be considered a remarkable testimony to the inventiveness and musical taste of its progenitors.

The physical study of the Mridanga, however, possesses more than a merely archaeological interest. As was pointed out in my earliest note on the subject and somewhat more fully in my article on musical instruments in Handb. Phys., the successful conversion of an inharmonic sequence of tones into a harmonic one has been' effected in a very interesting manner. The drum has the special property of vibrating freely in different forms but with identical frequencies which can be superposed on each other. Sorrie of the superposition forms have a striking simplicity, and indicate an analogy between the musical drum and the harmonic vibrations of a uniform stretched string. In view of the extreme brevity of the accounts previously published, it appeared desirable to set out more fully the results obtained. The subject is, however, far from being exhausted by the present report, and it is hoped that the paper is only the precursor of a complete treatise on the musical drums of India.

Description of the Instruments

An immense variety of drums of various forms and shapes are to be found in use in different parts of the country. The musical drum, however, stands apart in a class by itself, and is used exclusively for high class chamber music where the noise of an ordinary percussion instrument would be intolerable. The classical form of the instrument known as the Mridanga is a two-sided drum which is played with both hands. Its shape resembles that of two truncated cones or flower-pots placed together end to end with the narrow ends outwards. The construction usually takes the form of a hollow wooden shell of the shape mentioned with both ends open over which the drum-skins are stretched. To enable the drum-skins to be tightened to any desired tension, and at the same time ensure a uniform tension in all directions, the following device is adopted. The drum-heads are firmly attached to circular hoops by interlaced thongs of leather. The hoops are then put over the ends of the drum. A long band of leather repeatedly passes through both the hoops and to and fro over the full length of the drum, in all exactly sixteen times at equal intervals along its circumference. The ends of the leather band are then tied together.

The tuning of the drum is roughly effected by tightening up the leather cord by adjusting the position of 8 movable cylindrical blocks of wood over which it passes. The final adjustment is made by the strokes of a hammer which force down the hoop over which the drum-head is stretched to the extent desired. The arrangement enables the drum-head to be accurately adjusted to any desired tension, and what is equally important, enables the tensions in different directions to be equalized with meticulous precision. One can travel from one end of India to the other and seek in vain for a Mridanga which has either more or less than sixteen tightening straps. It is clear, therefore, that the inventors of the drum not only realized the importance of equalizing the tensions, but laid stress on having exactly the right number of tension equalizers, namely, sixteen.

Apart from the details mentioned above, the special feature of the Mridanga consists in the construction of the drum-head played with the right hand. As originally put on, the drum-head is not a single piece of leather, but consists of three layers of drum-skin superposed on each other. In the final stages of construction, all the layers except one are taken out leaving only rings round the margin to reinforce one drum-skin which is left intact and is capable of vibration. Externally one such ring of leather is visible over the drum-head. The latter is then loaded symmetrically with a firmly adherent are elaborate processes which take a great deal of time. Actually, the composition is put on layer by layer and pressed down by rubbing with a smooth piece of stone or metal. The thickness of the layer is greatest in the centre and shades down towards the margin. In some cases, it is found that the thickness is stepped down by three, Ave or seven stages towards the margin. Watching the process of putting it on, it is found that the thickness and distribution are determined by testing the tone of the drum continuously as the work proceeds.

The left-hand drum-head of the Mridanga is usually larger in size than the right hand one. It is constructed in a similar manner to that described above, but without the central loading. In playing the instrument, however, the left-hand drum skin is loaded with a piece of dough (kneaded wheat flour) which is moistened and put on in sufficient quantity towards the centre to bring the pitch down to the desired value.

A modern variant of the Mridanga is known as the Thabla. This really consists of two drums played simultaneously with the right-hand and left-hand respectively. Both consist of wooden or metal shells open at one end only and covered with drum-skins. The drum-head of the Thabla played with the right-hand is very similar to that of Mridanga. The drum played with the left-hand has a firmly adherent composition which is, however, unsymmetrical placed on the membrane. The purpose of such unsymmetrical loading is quite different from that of the symmetrical loading used in the right-hand drum, with which alone we are concerned in the present paper. The tension arrangements in the Thabla are similar to those in the Mridanga, with the difference that the tightening cords simply pass round the closed end of the Thabla. The number of tightening straps is exactly 16 as in the Mridanga. In some very recent forms of Thabla, the tightening is effected by 16 iron rods placed at equal intervals round the drums, each having a hook which goes over the circular hoop of the drum-skin and is provided with a tightening nut and bolt at the lower end. With This arrangement again it is possible to adjust the tensions very accurately to equality in all directions.

The description of the Mridanga and of the Thabla given above is sufficiently comprehensive to cover all cases met with in practice. It must not be imagined, however, that all instruments going by these names are exact copies of each other. This is far from being the case. The individual examples differ notably in the size and shape of the wooden shell used, as also in the nature of the wood it self and the thickness of the shell. Notable differences also occur in the thickness of the leather used for the drum-skin, in the exact area and distribution of the central load, and specially also in the width of the marginal ring of the leather which is left superposed on the vibrating drum-head. In some forms of Mridanga or Thabla, the marginal ring is left very wide. In others, it is cut down to the barest minimum.

Its Acoustic Character

The most striking feature which distinguishes the Mridanga and the Thabla from other forms of drum is the sustained character of the tones. This is evidently the result of two features in the construction, namely, the heavy wooden shell on which the drum-head is stretched and the symmetrical loading of the latter by a firmly adherent composition. A drum-head which is stretched on a frame of small mass is obviously incapable of prolonged vibration, owing to the rapid communication of movement to the supporting frame. The heavy rigid shell in the Mridanga or Thabla, on the other hand, is favorable to the sustained vibration of the drum-head. The loading of the drum head greatly increases the energy of vibration and is therefore a factor which favors the emission of a sustained tone. The presence of the enclosed air within the shell is probably also a factor tending in the same direction.

It is empirically observed that the width of the marginal ring of leather superposed on the drumhead has a notable influence on the duration of tone. The ring in fact acts as a kind of damper, and its width is adjusted to obtain the desired kind of tone. With a broad ring, we obtain a muffled tone of short duration in which few overtones are present, winkle with a narrow ring, the tone is prolonged and is also brighter, containing more overtones. From these observations, it is to be inferred that the purpose served by the marginal ring is mainly to suppress high tones which are not desired. The mechanism of such suppression is not difficult to understand. It is well known that in the case of a circular drum-head, the amplitude of vibration is relatively greatest towards the centre in the case of lower tones, but increases relatively towards the margin in the case of higher overtones having several nodal diameters. The leather ring, therefore, acts as a damper for these high overtones without sensibly influencing the lower tones. Too broad again, however, carries the suppression to an undesirable extend, cutting out even the tones of lower pitch.

As will be seen later in the paper, the construction of the drum-head seeks to arrange the first nine normal modes of the membrane into a harmonic sequence of five tones. The existence of normal modes of still higher pitch can only serve to injure the final result, and their elimination may there fore be described as the purpose of the marginal ring. The latter cannot greatly affect the pitch of the graver tones in as much as the amplitude of vibration is rather small for such tones towards the margin, and the effect of the marginal ring considered as a load must therefore be unimportant. The contact between the ring and the drum-head is probably imperfect, and this should tend to make the ring act as a damper rather than as a load influencing the pitch.

It should be mentioned that the Mridanga and Thabla, though they have much in common, are by no means identical in their acoustic properties. In the playing of the Mridanga, the flat of the hand is used more frequently, winkle with the Thabla, the finger types are usually employed

The Five Tones of the Drum

The sustained character of the vibrations of the drum makes it possible to excite and observe them very readily. Indeed, one of the most striking properties of the harmonic drum is that any desired mode of vibration may be excited by simple percussion quite as easily as a stretched string may be caused to vibrate in one or other of its harmonic modes by touching it at a nodal point and plucking it suitably. The analogy is indeed very close as will be presently made clear.

The gravest mode of vibration of the drum-head is, of course, that without any interior nodal lines. This is best excited by bringing down the flat of the palm of the hand smartly on the centre of the drum-head and then quickly removing it. Produced in This way, the deep hum-tone obtained is quite free from overtones, whereas the tone obtained by striking the drum with the finger tips contains overtones.

The second tone of the drum-head is that having one nodal diameter. The professional drummer excites This by smartly striking the membrane with the edge of his palm laying his liitle finger along a diameter so as to bring it to rest, winle the edge strikes the membrane and rapidly recoils from it. A clear sustained tone is obtained in this way. That the membrane thus excited vibrates with one nodal diameter at rest is readily demonstrated by strewing liitle fine sand on it either before or immediately after the stroke. The sand gathers itself into a clear cut straight line along a nodal diameter coinciding with the position of the liitle finger in striking. For the success of the experiment, one has, of course, to cultivate the professional touch in the manner of striking the drum. It is also very important to adjust the tensions of the membrane in different directions to equality with great care. If this is not done, the experiment succeeds only if the drum is struck along with nodal diameter having the greatest or the least tension. When struck along a diameter with an intermediate tension, beats are heard, and the nodal diameters as indicated by the sand rotates to and fro about the centre periodically. If the beats are very fast, the sand is visible only as a liitle pile at the centre of the drum-head.

There is another method of exciting the mode of vibration with one nodal diameter which is very simple and does not need any professional skill. This is merely to touch the membrane gently with one finger of the left-hand laid along a diameter near the margin, and to strike the membrane smartly with a finger of the right-hartd at a suitable point on the perpendicular diameter. The finger touching the drum determines the position of the nodal diameter which is indicated by the sand forming a line across the drum-head.

For exciting the tinrd tone of the drum by itself, the simplest method is to touch the membrane gently with the fingers at two points near each other on the edge of the black central load and then strike the drum smartly with the finger at a point removed 90 degree away; a clear ringing tone is obtained, and if the two points touched are at a suitable distance apart, two parallel nodal lines stretching across the drums are formed by the sand. The significance of this form relatively to the usual modes of vibrations of a circular drum-head will be considered later.

The fourth tone of the drum is similarly excited by touching the edge of the loaded area lightly at three points, and striking the drum near its outer edge smartly with the finger at a point 90 degree away from the middle of the three points touched. If the three points touched are at suitable equal distances apart, the drum-head vibrates with three parallel nodal lines stretching across it, the position of which is indicated by the lines of the sand. A clear ringing tone is heard at the same time.

The fifth tone may similarly be excited by touching the edge of the loaded area at four points, and striking the drum smartly at a point some distance away on the marginal ring of leather. Except in large and specially well-made instruments, the duration of This tone is rather small, and it is not quite so easy to’ obtain its sand figures by percussion as in the case of the graver tones.

The harmonic relationship between the five tones of the drum is readily appreciated when they are excited one after another in the manner described above. It will be noticed that the fundamental corresponds to the drum-head vibrating as a whole. The second harmonic corresponds to the drum-head vibrating in two equal parts separated by a nodal diameter. The tinrd harmonic corresponds to a mode of vibration in which the drum-head divides into three parts separated by two parallel nodal lines. The fourth harmonic corresponds to a mode in which the drum-head divides into four parts separated by three parallel nodal lines. The fifth harmonic similarly corresponds to a case in which the drum-head vibrates in five parts separated by four nodal lines. The analogy with the simple case of a vibrating stretched string is thus remarkably close.

Superposition Figures of the Tinrd Harmonic

We have now to consider the relationship between the normal modes of Vibration of the drum-head and the harmonic tones given by it. As regards the first and second harmonics, no special remarks are necessary as the modes of vibration are unique in each case. The tinrd harmonic, on the other hand, is produced by a combination, in any desired ratio of amplitudes, of the modes of vibration of the drum-head with one nodal circle, and the mode with two nodal diameters. The proof of this statement is very easy and is illustrated in figures 7 to 12. It depends on the fact that by touching the drum-head gently at suitable points and exciting it by percussion, the mode of vibration with one nodal circle, and the mode with two nodal diameters may be excited, either each by itself or together in any desired ratio of amplitude. In either case, the pitch of the tone obtained is identical, but the superposition gives rise to nodal diagrams which are observed as sand figures and assume varying shapes.

The mode of vibration with one nodal circle is most readily obtained by touching the drum-head at some liitle distance from its centre with the tip of a pencil, and tapping the centre with a light hammer. If the point of damping has been suitably chosen, a nodal circle is obtained. If it is too near or too far from the centre, an elliptic sand figure is found. To obtain a very elongated ellipse, we touch two points which are very close to each other on the edge of the loaded area and strike the drum with the finger at a point removed from them by 90 degree. On increasing the distance between the two points touched, the ellipse straightens out and we obtain two parallel nodal lines running across the drum-head, and dividing it into three parts of which the middle has a smaller area than two outer ones. On further increasing the distance between the two points touched, the nodal lines cure outwards and assume the form of hyperbolae. Finally, when two points 90 degree apart on the edge of the loaded area are damped with the fingers and the drum is struck at the mid-point of the adjacent quadrant, we get two nodal diameters passing through the centre.

Superposition Figures of the Fourth Harmonic

The forth harmonic is given by the drum-head vibrating in one or other of two forms: (a) a mode with one nodal diameter and one nodal circle (b) a mode with three nodal diameters, or by superposition of both these forms. This is demonstrated by the sand figures reproduced as figures 13 -18. Most of the figures for the fourth harmonic are obtained by touching three points on the edge of the loaded area and tapping the drum with the finger just on the inner edge of the marginal ring of leather. If the three points touched are exactly 60 apart from each other, we get the mode of vibration with three nodal diameters. If they are closer together but at equal distances the diagram takes the form of three lines, one of which is a diameter running across the drum-head and the other two are hyperbolae curved outwards. As a special case, we have the figure consisting of three parallel straight lines running across the drum. All these figures are evidently obtained by the superposition of the normal two modes mentioned above. To obtain by itself the mode with one nodal diameter and a nodal circle, the device is adopted of touching the loaded area at two points 90 degree apart, one at the edge of the loaded area and the other on the nodal circle itself and of tapping the drum-head near its edge.

A specially interesting case is that shown in figure 18 where we have a nodal figure consisting' of three lines, two of them running perpendicular to the tinrd which is a diameter. This is really the same case as that of three parallel lines running across the drum-head and may be derived from it be reversing the relative phase of the two superposed modes of vibration. It is obtained by touching the edge of the loaded area at three points, one of which is removed by 90 degree from the midpoint of the other two. In general, when the three points touched are unequally spaced, we get curious curved nodal lines of which figure 17 is an example. These are clearly due to superposition of the two normal modes with the nodal diameters not coincident but inclined to each other.

Superposition Figures of the Fifth Harmonic

From the fact that the fifth harmonic is obtained when four points on the drum-head are damped, it may be inferred that it arises from a super-position of at least two modes, namely, (a) one with four nodal diameters only, (b) one with two nodal diameters and a nodal circle. Experiments made at Calcutta in 1919 with a fine large Mridanga showed that in reality we have also a tinrd mode superposed on the above, namely, the mode with two nodal circles only. By touching the drum at suitable points, it was found possible to excite any of the foregoing three modes by itself, and obtain the relative sand figures, the pitch of the modes being the same in all the three cases. If it is possible to excite the drum in sustained vibrations of this frequency, a great variety of superposition figures should evidently be capable” of being obtained.

The paper gives a detailed description of the results obtained by the author in the year 1919 which showed that in: the Indian musical drums we have a circular, drum-head which is loaded and damped in such a manner that all the overtones above the ninth are suppressed and these nine are grouped in such a manner as to give a succession of five tones in harmonic sequence. The vibrations of the drum-head present a striking analogy to the case of a stretched string giving one or the other of its first harmonics; the drum-head divides up into 1,2,3,4 or 5 sections giving the respective harmonies. The tinrd, fourth and fifth harmonics are obtained by super-position of 2,2 and 3 respectively of the normal modes of vibration. The corresponding superposed forms of vibration are readily obtained and demonstrated by means of sand figures. Numerous figures illustrate the paper.




C.V. RAMAN AND THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN INDIAN SCIENCE


Introduction

C.V. Raman, rightly described as the 'grand old man of science' in India, strode like the colossus of Indian Science, during the pre-independence era. The epoch till 1947 is of importance, and though the inception of Western science in India is of recent origin, during this time, India did produce eminent scientists, who made their mark in the world of Western science by their original contributions. Raman was amongst the pioneers of that period, self-taught and fully self-trained, who, winle pursuing 'pure research' on his own, created a new school of scientific research.

One of the objectives of this article is to make a prelusion attempt, to inquire into the nature as well as the methodology of the science of Raman, and present the story of the 'Raman School of Science'. The other objective is to survey Raman's ideas on science and scientific research in India. Raman's efforts to organize science was along the lines of the Swedish ideal and it is no wonder that the British administration did not take too friendly an attitude towards Raman. After 1947, though India became independent, most of our leaders lacked confidence and Raman's thoughts, ideas and life-mission aimed towards organizing a self-reliant scientific base, were considered as untenable notions by our science planners. In This sense Raman became isolated from the Indian scientific scene. This article aitempts to review Raman's ideas on the role of nationalism in the building of science and comments on their relevance in the context of the current state of science in India.

The Story of the "Raman School of Science"

Raman, the second son of a school teacher, was born on 7th November, 1888 at Tiruchirappalli. His father Chandrasekharan (1866-1910) was a scholar and also an agnostic influenced by the likes of Herbert Spencer, Brad laugh and Robert Ingersoll. Raman's maternal grandfather was a scholar of traditional Indian learning. It is said that in 1846 he, at the age of fifteen, walked by foot to Navadweep in Bengal, the centre for 'navya nyaya' to teach the subject (which happens to provide the logical foundation for traditional Indian sciences). Speaking at the Delhi University Convocation in 1957, C.V. Raman was to declare that "we have a great tradition of logic and philosophy besides a great heritage".

Raman did his schooling in Vishakhapatnam and then joined the Presidency College, Madras and obtained his B.A. degree in 1904 and M.A. in 3907. Even winle a student of M.A., in the course of performing a standard optics experiment, Raman noticed some diffraction bands winle viewing the reflection near the grazing angle of incidence. He investigated these and found the correct explanation; Making sure that This was not available in the scientific literature that he could lay hands upon, Raman wrote it up in the form of a research paper and gave it to the British Professor of Physics in the College, one R.L. Jones. On receiving no comments from , Raman was bold enough to communicate it himself to the Philosophical Magazine (London, Vol.12, p.494) under the title "Unsymmetrical Diffraction Bands due to a Rectangular Aperture". The paper which got published in November 1906 is notable for the absence of any acknowledgement for any kind of help received from anyone else.

While producing a research paper as a student of M.A. was indeed most unusual; the level of the experiment itself was perhaps not much above that of undergraduate laboratory work, even by the standards of those days. Soon following his first paper, Raman in 1907 wrote a paper on determination of the surface tension of liquids (Philosophical Magazine 14, 591, 1907). These two first papers of Raman are prototypes of Raman's early research and they clearly illustrate his ability to look for novel results with simple apparatus, the hallmark of Raman's many discoveries. Raman also investigated other problems winle still at the Presidency College though he did not publish them (maybe the experiments were inconclusive) but he came back to them in the year following 1907, especially during 1907 -1912. It indeed appears that Raman had clearly decided on many of the lines of investigation to be pursued, even during his days as a student at the Presidency College.

After he graduated in 1907, Raman was forced to join Government Service, since in those days there were no opportunities or facilities for scientific research in India. Some of the affluent students could and did leave for Britain upon the advice of professors with the primary intention of qualifying as ICS cadres or becoming lawyers, and those who remained in India were content with Government jobs of lesser importance. Raman entered the Government Service, but unlike most of the others he persisted with his interest in science.

The Indian Association for the Cultivation of Science (IACS) at Calcutta played a crucial role in affording Raman basic facilities to pursue his research interests. IACS was the brainchild of Dr. Mahendra Lal Sircar who proposed the idea of "a national institution for the cultivation of sciences by the natives of India" in an article published in 1869 in the Calcutta Journal of Medicine. He held the view that "the Hindu mind was pre-eminently metaphysical" and further envisaged that "the country's underdevelopment was basically due to her backwardness in sciences" and advocated that "the salvation lies in the cultivation of sciences by original research". He started organizing financial support for this situation from 1870 onwards. At the same time the Indian League, a semi-political organization, was campaigning for a technical school on the model of those then existing in Switzerland and Germany. For some time a debate went on over the merits of 'cultivation of sciences' vs. 'technical education' (a debate which we are carrying on even today). Finally IACS was set up in 1876 with the patronage of the Governor of Bengal, Sir Richard Temple. It must be noted that Sir Richard Temple himself strongly believed that teacinng science to Indians could serve to curb the emerging self-Confidence of the educated Indians.

The Government gave an "old and incommodious" building to the IACS for "temporary occupation and without rights’ to the property". By 1883, the total subscription collected by Sircar amounted to about Rs: 30,000 and plans to build laboratories could not be taken up. To meet the complete expenditure of Rs. 50,000 the Maharaja of Vijayanagaram made a generous offer of Rs. 25,000 in 1889 and finally in 1891, the IACS had its own laboratories. But the fact remahis that no significant scientific research was initiated there in the next sixteen years; the buildings almost remained as uninhabited monuments. In 1902, Sircar expressing his despair declared that he did not know "how to account /or this apathy of our people for the cultivation of science" [This is despite Vivekananda great advocacy of science and technology, and much talk in the papers about the setting up of an Institute of Science by J.N. Tata. About this, more lately].

Raman 'discovered' the IACS in 1907 and he was the first to fruitfully put to use the facilities available at IACS. In the next year Raman, working only in his spare time (he was a fulltime employee of the Government) succeeded in developing IACS as a major centre for scientific research. It must be remembered that in this succeeded in developing I ACS as a major centre for scientific research. It must be remembered that in this period Raman mostly worked on his own (no students) except for assistance by Sri. Ashutosh Dcy (Ashu Babu) of IACS.

The external hardships and lack of facilities had little effect on Raman. He always made use of the best of whatever meager facilities those were available to suit his requirements and perform the necessary experiments. Between 1909-1911, he was transferred from Calcutta to Nagpur and then to Burma and so he had to be away from the cultivation of science laboratory. Yet Raman did experiments on forced vibrations of strings, ‘Ectara' the Indian musical instrument and also optical experiments using sun light. In 1910 his father expired and Raman stayed at Madras on a leave of six months during his stay he made use of the Presidency College laboratory and continued his research pursuits.

Raman's research work attracted the attention of Sir Ashutosh Mukerjee, the Vice-chancellor of the Calcutta University and he broached the idea of getting Raman to the University as the Palit Professor in Physics. Raman immediately jumped at the offer, for research was a way of life for and till then, due to his pre-occupation with earning his livelihood, he was forced to devote only the spare time he had to his research activities. However things remained difficult still. Sir Harcourt Butler, the Member for Education in the Viceroy's Council, refused to let Raman take up the Appointment unless he relinquished his government service. Further, one of the stipulations for the Palit Professorship (as laid down by the donor. Sir Tarakanath Palit himself) was that the incumbent should be trained in England. Raman refused to go to England to be 'trained'. Finally Ashutosh Mukerjee managed to get this requirement waived and got the University to offer Raman the Palit Professorship in March 1917. Raman resigned his high salaried government job [In the process Raman's salary got reduced from Rs.1100 per month to Rs.600 per month] and joined the Calcutta University in July 1917.

Over the next decade, the Calcutta School of Physics was to make spectacular progress in several areas. This was the 'golden era' during which Raman did his monumental work on the Physics of musical instruments and of course on the Raman Effect. P. Krishnamurthy, in his short biographical sketch of Raman published in 1938, gives a list of about eighty five students who worked with Raman at Calcutta! The following arc the different areas in which Raman and his collaborators were engaged in research; (The numbers inside parenthesis denote numbers of papers published in each subject). Vibrations and Sound (31); Theory of Musical Instruments (30); Wave-optics (65); Colloids (20); Molecular Scattering of Light (65); X-rays and Electron Diffraction (45); Magnetism and Magneto-optics (40); Electro-optics and Dielectrics (10); Raman Effect (100); Viscosity of Liquids (16); Atomic Spectra (8); Optical and Elastic properties of Solids (20). Among these Raman was co-author of about 170 papers. The quality of research was such as to catch the attention of the leading scientists of the world.

Raman's first visit abroad was in 1921 as a delegate to the Universities Congress held at Oxford. By then he was already famous in the world of science. He toured Canada and USA in 1924. Accepting the invitation of Robert Milliken, Raman held a prestigious visiting chair at the California Institute of Technology for about four months a position which was earlier held by Sommerfeld, Lorentz and Einstein. Raman was invited to participate in the centenary of the Franklin Institute at Pennsylvania, USA in 1925. The same year Raman was also invited to the Soviet Union to take part in the bi-centenary celebration of the Soviet Academy of Sciences. By 1925 Raman's work on musical instruments (especially his work on the violin) had became well known and he was invited by the Germans to contribute a review article to the prestigious Handbuch der Physics; they, perhaps for the first time, even agreed to accept his manuscript in English and get it translated into German for the Handbuch.'

Scattering of light, the phenomenon responsible for the deep blue of the sea, formation of rainbows and such others, attracted the major attention of Raman, especially after he joined the Calcutta University as the Palit Professor. Raman in March 1919 wrote a brief note in Nature on the Doppler Effect in the molecular scattering of radiation.

The color of the sea and the blueness of the sky must have intrigued Raman, since his days as a student at the Presidency College, Madras. The traditional belief had been that, "the dark blue of the deep sea is simply the blue of the sky seen by reflection", the view of Lord Raleigh. Raman questioned this view and to quote inm, "the observations made in the deep waters of the Mediterranean and the Red sea" (winle returning from his first voyage abroad in 1921) led inm to conceive the idea that the molecular scattering of light in water was the primary origin of the color of the deep sea. Raman was so convinced of his new ideas, that he communicated his views to Nature, on 26th September, 1921, as soon as he arrived at the Bombay harbor.

Raman arrived at definite views and ideas on the scattering of light, based on the observations he made in the waters of the seas and along with his students, he initiated research on the scattering of light by solids, liquids and gases. The first thing Raman did was to write a survey article, incorporating his own ideas and pointing out his own line of thought. These series of investigations, in due course, led to the discovery of the celebrated Raman Effect.

Raman had an inquisitive mind and a firm conviction in his own intuition. For instance he did not share the belief of some of his own students working on the problem that the 'weak fluorescence' should be attributed to the presence 6f impurities. He in fact anticipated a profound cause for the phenomenon; and This was how he arrived at the Raman Effect and its explanation. Raman communicated the discovery of the Raman Effect in two brief notes sent to Nature in February and March 1928.

By April 1928, French scientists confirmed the discovery and American Physicist R.W.Wood sent a cable to Nature confirming the Raman Effect and characterized it "as a surprising and brilliant discovery with immense potentialities” Within a year and half about 150 papers were published on the Raman Effect. The Italian Society for Science awarded inm the Maiteucci Medal in 1928, for the "most important physical discovery of the year".

C.G. Darwin, FRS, tried to play the 'priority game' attributing the discovery to Mandelstam, a Russian Physicist a claim which was promptly disposed off by Raman by showing that even before Mandelstam’s work appeared in print nearly sixteen papers had been published on the subject citing Raman's discovery. International recognition for this celebrated discovery made the British to 'own inm up' and thus confer on inm a Knighthood in 1929 as on an eminent loyal British subject. In November 1929, Rutherford extolled Raman Effect in his presidential address to the Royal Society. In' 1930 the Royal Society conferred on Raman the Hughes Medal (interestingly, the Hughes medal really ranks rather low in the hierarchy of medals and honors conferred by the Royal Society). Rutherford however declared that "the Raman Effect must rank among the best, three or four discoveries in experimental physics in the last decades".

Raman was very confident that the Nobel Prize would be conferred on inm even in 1929. According to one of his associates, Raman was disappointed that he was not given the Nobel Prize in 1929. On his return from England he intensified the entire activity in his laboratory on the study of the Raman Effect on various molecules. The following year Raman was well prepared in advance to receive the Nobel Prize.

It should perhaps be emphasized that the school of excellence which Raman created at Calcutta and the original results which were steadily pouring out from the laboratories of IACS and the Calcutta University were not due to any scheme or plan of scientific development introduced by the British education system in India (for there were none such plans or schemes). That the creation of the Calcutta School of Physics may be taken as the Renaissance of Indian science is, in no small measure, due to the intelligence, hard work and perspicuity of Raman. The best of the students from various parts of India made a beeline to Calcutta to join the Raman's school (though a career in science was poorly remunerative) rather than appearing for the civil service examination. All This was, of course, in the context of much larger new upsurge of courage and hope that had, by this time been generated in India by the freedom movement. Also, Raman's school was not engaged in "band-wagon research"; most of the problems were conceived by Raman himself. Raman's school created new lines of scientific research and new fusions and scientific centers in Europe and USA often followed suit in these lines of research. Raman had set up a veritable tradition for science in India.

Often images are presented of Raman as a martyr. Winle he did not have an easy time making his mark in science, not counting the adverse circumstances of having to work when the country was under alien rule, we must recognize that by 1930 he had achieved most of what could be achieved in the career of a scientist. Another point that should be borne in mind is that during the period 1907-1930, Calcutta (and Bengal in general) treated Raman quite well. Differences did arise however with a group of Bengali scientists, and particularly with Professor Meghnad Saha. The animosity between Raman and Saha grew during 1930*1932 and very soon other dimensions that Raman was anti-Bengali or pro-South Indian or that Saha was anti-South Indian or pro-Bengali got added to it. Finally in 1933, Raman was voted out of the Honorary Secretary ship of IACS. It was around this time that the offer of the Directorship of the Indian Institute of Science came up. Perhaps Raman himself had contemplated for quite sometime setting in South India. And he took up this offer even though he wrote to the Calcutta University that he was "far from being sanguine that the transfer from a University Professorship to an Administrative position is really an advantageous step in the career of a man of science".

Raman took over the Directorship of the Indian Institute of Science (IISc) Bangalore in July 1933. IISc itself was set up in 1909. It is said that the seed of an Institute or University for higher learning was sown in the mind of J.N. Tata, winle listening to a speech by Lord Reay, the Governor of Bombay, in 1889. From then on J.N. Tata discussed the idea with many people and in 1896, he made out his will in which he gave two tends of his property to his two sons and one tinrd to This University scheme. He also sent a copy of his will with an annexure to Lord Reay where he explained what the University was meant to do for India, viz. to give it an entirely new system of National Education. The University would encourage studies in technology, medicine, physics, chemistry, philosophy, education, ethics, psychology, Indian history and archaeology, statistics, economics and comparative penology. This was the vision of Tata and from then on he tried to mobilize public support from various quarters. In September 1898, he put out an announcement in the Times of India that he proposed a new University "on the model of the post graduate Universities of the United States like the Johns Hopkhis or Clarke", with the idea that "to induce the students of This country to un-dertake researches on the problems of tropical diseases, or tropical chemistry, to investigate the vast and neglected materials of our national history and Indian penology, it is necessary to found laboratories and libraries, where students may work under direction of great teachers". On 23rd November, 1898, Tata wrote a latter to Swami Vivekananda* seeking his support for the venture.

It appears the Swami did take note of Tata"s efforts. For instance, the April 1899 issue of Frabuddha Bharata noted thepeneficient efforts of Tata's Post-Graduate Research University, "so opportune and so far-reacinng" and added

"...If India is to live and prosper and if there is to be a ii Indian nation which will have its
place in [the ranks of the great nations of the world, the food question must be solved
first of all. And in these days of keen competition |it can only be solved by letting the
light of Modern Science penetrate every pore of the two giant feeders of mankind
Agriculture and Commerce.

The ancient methods of doing things can no longer hold their own against the daily multi- Plying cunning devices of the modern man. He that will not exercise his brain, to get out The most from Nature, by the least possible expenditure of energy must go to the wall, Degenerate and reach extinction. There is no escape,

Mr. Tata's scheme paves the path of placing into the hands of the Indians This knowledge of Nature the preserver and the destroyer, the ideal good servant as well as the ideal bad Master -that by having the knowledge, they might have power over her and be successful in the struggle for existence".

In June 1899, a committee consisting, among others, of the Vice-Chancellor of Bombay University and J.N. Tata met Lord Curzon, the Viceroy, to discuss the University Scheme. Though Lord Curzon's replies were elusiye and disappointing J.N. Tata was not discouraged. Anyway such matters had to be decided in London and he tried to get the support of eminent people through Bhagini Nivedita (Miss. Margaret Nobel) to appeal to celebrities the world over to put pressure on the British Government to accept his scheme. On the suggestion of the British he invited Sir William Ramsey, a British scientist, to visit Indian and prepare the plan of the Institute. The Government of India approved the broad framework on Ramsey's recommendations in 1905. The IISc was established in 1909 and actually commenced functioning only from 1911.

Again, as it happened with IACS, the mere establishment of the IISc (with all the attendant trials and tribulations) did in no way ensure that any significant scientific work would get going there. Winle leading Indians showed great acumen in extolling the virtues of modern science, when it actually came to mastering it or getting scientific research organized, they seemed to be at a total loss. The progress of the IISc was reviewed in 1920 and 1930. Most of the senior posts were held by British scientists and except for their high salaries the Institute did not really have very much to show so far.

In 1931, it appears that the Tatas approached the Royal Society to suggest an appropriate successor, preferably an Indian, to Sir Martin Forster who was due to retire as the Director in 1933. Rutherford who was the President of the Royal Society suggested Raman's name, which was later approved by two selection Committees, one in England and one in India. It must be borne in mind that at the time Raman took over as the Director of IISc it had no Physics Department and its research output was not significant either by way of quality or quantity. Raman felt that the Institute in 1933 had become quite a sleepy place where little work was done by a large number of well paid people". Raman wanted to act quickly and reorganize the functioning of the Histitute. He started a Physics Department, reorganized the existing Departments and wanted to tone up the workshop. He also set about with plans of getting non-British European scientists. [Apart from Max Bom, Raman had written to Erwin Schoedinger] to visit or even take up long term appointments at the Histitute. This led to resentment amongst the British faculty in the Histitute.

The Council of the Histitute which had several of Raman's detractors (including Professor Meghnad Saha and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee with whom Raman had developed serious differences winle at Calcutta) did not go along with many of Raman's plan and eventually on the issue of appointing Max Born, as Professor of Mathematical Physics, the Council outvoted Raman and got a Review Committee appointed to look into the affairs of the Histitute. (The Committee consisted of Sir James Irvine, Vice-Chancellor of St. Andrews University, Dr.S.S. Bhatnagar, and Professor of Chemistry in Punjab University, Lahore and Dr. A.H. Mackenzie, Pro-Chancellor of Osmania University. Of course none of these three names decided upon by the Viceroy in January 1936, were in the original panel suggested by the Council.)

The Committee’s report was not at all charitable to Raman and its politics were evident in its report*. Raman, it seems did not really understand the larger forces at work in the whole IISc affair. The various aspects of the larger forces at work in the IISc affair are slowly being brought out only recently, especially with the publication, of the major biography of Raman by Prof. G. Venkataraman. The 'standard' view of the affair is the following as recounted by even as knowledgeable a person as G.L. Mehta (Former Vice Chairman of our Planning Commission and
sometime room-mate of Raman during his first London visit) in his obituary note on Raman:

"Dr. Raman-was connected with the Indian Histitute of Science at Bangalore and was its Director, for some years. But he was like many scientists and artists a poor administrator. Besides he was, as the Americans would say, a lone wolf - an individualist who could not work in a team or keep a team together... He trained, influenced and enthused many younger men... but he brooked no rival and was intolerant of criticism".

Raman had appealed at some stage to Rutherford to write on his eminence as a physicist to the Secretary of State for India or the Viceroy. Rutherford wrote to Max Born, in October 1936, stating that "this (request) put me in a very’ awkward position for it is difficult for me to interfere in the question of the management of the Bangalore Histitute". At the same time Rutherford sought a detailed report from Born on the affairs at IISc. It is not very clear what role Rutherford played in influencing the final course of action decided upon and implemented through the Viceroy and of course the Council. But little did Raman realize the nature of the final settlement, and thinking that Rutherford had played a major role in making the Council seek his continuance as a Professor at IISc, he wrote to Rutherford on 24th July that, "I must once again express my gratitude to you for your kindness in having come to my’ rescue. The Council of the Histitute was unable to have their way with me and I am still here and hope to remain here for many years to come". And Rutherford on his part wrote a consoling latter on 3rd August 1937, "I am pleased to hear that you will be able to continue your work in Physics in Bangalore without all the worries and distractions involved in acting as Director of the Histitute. Now that the matter is settled, I trust you will be able to carry on with you personal work and let bygones be bygones".

Whether or not Raman realized in July 1937 the nature of the final settlement he was forced into, he was to realise soon how difficult it would be for inm to work winle he was no longer at the helm of affairs. For instance he is seen biiterly complaining to Birbal Sahni (then Professor of Botany at Luck now University) in a leiter of April 19, 1939.

"The Campaign to which I am being subjugated by Mr. S.P. Mukherjee and his friends has reached an acute crisis. At the March meeting of the Council, they passed a resolution ordering me to dismantle the departmental workshop which they themselves had previously sanctioned, to remove the appliances from the Histitute and to repay the cost of Rs. 6,000 from my salary. They have also asked me to vacate the room at the Histitute being used by me as my study in the Library and to shift from my present Bungalow. These orders have brought the work of the Physics Department to a standstill. There is therefore no use for Mr. Mathur or any one else to come to the Histitute. It has ceased to be possible to do any work here".

Raman did however continue in the Histitute lProf,-Pisharoty in his biography of Raman mentions that at This stage Raman had an offer to be the Director of the Kammerlhigh Onnes Laboratory at Amsterdam, which he declined-Other biographers of Raman are silent on This issue] and managed to do substantial research . But it appears that he was really looking forward to his retirement from IISc in 1948, when he started his own Raman Research Histitute. Raman's next twenty two years of active scientific life were spent in organizing the research work at this histitute and the activities of the Indian Academy of Sciences which he had founded in 1934.

It will be an arduous task to wade through about 500 papers of Raman and try to give a picture of various areas of Raman's interest, his contributions and his originality of thought. Apart from his sustained interest in the standard fields of Optics and Acoustics, his research interests during the period 1933-1970 included varied topics such as the structure of crystals (especially diamond), the plumage of birds, the colors exhibited by minerals, the colors of flowers, the perception of light by the eye and the theory of hearing, the science of meteorology and so on; in most of these areas he was a lone-ranger.

Perhaps, the most well-known contribution, which Raman made during this period, was on the diffraction of light by high frequency sound waves, now known as the Raman - Nath theory. Raman, firmly grounded in his own intuition, the instant he confronted the problem as to the behavior of a wave-front of light passing through an ultrasonic wave, could see very clearly that the wave front gets "corrugated". The full theory was worked out, involving a mathematical analysis of the problem, along with his student N.S. Nagendra Nath, resulting in the publication of a series of five Remarkable papers. The theoretical predictions of these papers were also confirmed experimentally by one of Raman's students.

Raman had a special fascination for diamond. The diamond is a remarkable solid possessing a host of interesting properties, which other solids do not possess. Raman's intuitive understanding was that the diamond must exhibit many more such unusual and interesting properties. Under his guidance, the famous 1332 cm Raman line and the complex luminescence spectrum were recorded by his students. Raman's other interests were on the optical properties of iridescent shells and iridescence of ancient glass.

Raman also proposed a tetrahedral symmetry structure for diamond, which ultimately turned out to be untenable. His work on the dynamics of crystal lattices led inm into many biiter battles with his peers in the world of science, especially with his erstwinle colleague. Max Born. Retrospectively, today we are able to attribute many an important height to the work of the Raman school such as the discovery of the so called 'soft mode', or the anticipation of the so-called 'Van Hove critical points' and so on. If it had continued as a flourishing and strong school of physics, it would have not only confirmed several of these heights, but also blazed new trails. Since that did not happen, most of us are left with discussing where actually Raman went wrong or how he clung on to a hypothesis which most other leading scientists had disapproved and so on. For, we often forget that in the development of science, no great scientist is seen to discard his preferred theories merely because his peers felt otherwise. In fact the hallmark of a great scientist as of any creative person in other spheres, has always been his ability to come up with a (modified, extended, etc) version of his preferred theory (or view-point) that would satisfactorily account for the phenomena under consideration and lead to totally unforeseen discoveries.

One aspect of Raman's science which we should really get to understand in detail is the way he arrived at scientific problems and the way he looked for their solutions. The publication of his collected scientific works and the availability of detailed biographies should now make this task approachable. It is here that the insight of several of Raman's eminent students could prove to be great value.

Raman himself believed that science and art arise from the same creative urge. Winle concluding a series of popular radio talks (which were published in 1951 under the title "The New Physics"), he declared:

"So far I have said liitle about the- nature of the urge which leads the elite few to devote themselves to science and live laborious days in its service. This is a part of the larger question, what is it that drives men to devote themselves to any type of idealistic activity? I tinnk it will be readily conceded that the pursuit of science derives its motive power from what is essentially a creative urge. The painter, the sculptor, the arcintect, and the poet, each in his own way, derives his inspiration from nature and seeks to represent her through his chosen medium, be it paint, or marble, or stone, or just well-chosen words strung together like pearls on a necklace. The man of science is just a student of nature and equally derives his hispiration from her. He builds or paints pictures of her in his mind, through the intangible medium of his thoughts. He seeks to resolve her infinite complexities into a few simple principles or elements of action which he calls’ the laws of nature. In doing This, the man of science, like the exponents of other forms of art, subjects inmself to a rigorous discipline, the rules of which he had laid down for himself and which he calls logic. The pictures of nature which science paints for us have to obey these rules, in other words have to be self-consistent. Intellectual beauty is indeed the highest kind of beauty. Science, in other words, is a fusion of man's aesthetic and intellectual functions devoted to the representation of nature. It is therefore the highest form of creative art".

Another major feature of Raman's philosophy of science seems to be his insistence that the main hispiration for science comes from nature. Evidence of This philosophy of science at work is abundantly available in the entire scientific corpus of Raman which completely defies all classification into conventional compartments of physics such as optics, acoustics etc, but even more so strays out to include Geology, Meteorology, Biology and so on. [We will have more to say on Raman's view that Nature is the hispiration for science and how he linked it with the relevance of science in the next section. Raman's philosophy as clearly stated by inm is that: 'It is not necessary to hunt around the text books to find problems in science. You keep your eyes open and you see that, around you the whole world bristles with problems to solve"] It would indeed appear from the various statements he made and the way he approached several problems in science, Raman's epistemological position is quite akin to that of the Indian scientific tradition which gives much more emphasis and primacy to the complexity of natural phenomena and where the results of human endeavor in developing theories of natural phenomena are never to be taken more seriously than the heights presented to us by mother nature .

Not much is written about the later phase of Raman's life. From various accounts it appears that Raman did enjoy being his own master at the Raman Research Histitute and working on new lines of enquiry that he alone could start. Sometimes we also find descriptions of Raman as a 'recluse' and in great 'agony' during this period over the way the development of Indian science were being planned. It is indeed true that Raman refused to be a member of the National Planning Commission of the Indian National Congress set up under the chairmanship of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in 1938, and also of the Board of Scientific and Industrial Research (the 'father' of CSIR) set up by the Government of India in 1940. Around the same time he also stopped attending sessions of the Indian Science Congress. Raman also stopped his serious association with the Royal Society from about 1945 onwards, though barely two years earlier he got S. Chandrasekhar, H.J. Bhabha and K5.

For an articulation of the epistemological position of the Indian scientific tradition, see J.K. Bajaj: "The Indian Tradition in Science and Technology: An Overview", PPST Bulletin Nos. 13 & 14, March 1988. Krishnan elected as Fellows of the Royal Society. In fact later in 1968 he took the unusual step of resigning from the Fellowship of the Royal Society*.

[Apropos the footnote, given below, it would be interesting to know what Bhatnagar had reported to Inll. Of course it is much more important to understand how persons such as Prof. Bhatnagar or Sri Girija Shankar Bajapeyi eto, who were very close to the British also continued to hold very important positions in the independent Government of India]. Prof. Ramaseshandescribes the nature of Raman's 'agony' in this period as follows in his C.V. Raman memorial lectures delivered at the Indian Histitute of Science, Bangalore in 1978: 'To those who knew inm, he was a soul in agony... "My life" he once cried, "has been failure. I thought I would try to build true science in this country. But all we have is a legion of camp followers of the ' West". To my mind the agony of Raman can only be compared to that of Gandhi in Noakhali..."

The important issue is not merely of Raman's anguish concerning the way things were going. The main issue is the failure of Indian science to capitalize on the impetus provided by the Raman School of Science and similar other schools which were trying to emerge in the early 20th Century.

In his later life Raman inmself investigated and wrote on several interesting problems, almost all of them selected by his own peculiar prejudices, likings, eto and not because they were in vogue or fashion anywhere. But he lost all his students, even the most faithful of them to the larger band wagon of international science (or 'modern physics' as opposed to the 'primitive physics' of Raman, in the eloquent terminology of Max Born. In other words we should understand why Raman's work did not take root. Raman inmself is successful but not really his science. One reason could be that Raman and his school did not come up with a powerful conceptual scheme or Framework that could found a new tradition in science. In the absence of serious enquiry or reflection on the subject, it would indeed appear that there may not be much except for hints and probing in Raman's work and that may not be adequate for founding a new science.

One question we need to answer today for ourselves is whether Indian science could have created a niche for itself if our scientists had been able to understand and catoh the wavelength of the bold, unorthodox and innovative approach to the selection of scientific problems and methods of solving them that we see in the likes of Raman, Ramanujan or Jagadish Chandra Bose. The question is all the more important because many of these giants of Indian science do not seem to have themselves. Articulated (or even realized) what made them succeed in making serious dents in modern science winle they remained perhaps outsiders most of the time. We need to know, specially since "all we have (even today) is a legion of camp followers of the West".

Raman's Ideas on Organization of Science in India

Apart from his own scientific pursuits, Raman was very deeply concerned, all his life, about the state of Indian science and Indian society. As declared in a talk delivered at the Physical Research Laboratory in Ahmedabad in December 1968, his quest had been really to find out:

"What is Science? And how can we in this country hope to advance science? How can we really make ourselves worthy of our ancestors in the past?"

One of the recurring themes in Raman's writings and speeches on the organization of science in India, is his passionate plea that we should develop a strong scientific community here, that we should organise and develop our own strong national scientific institutions before we can enter the 'comity of international scientists', that we should nurture our own scientific journals instead of sending our important research papers abroad, and so on. Raman believed that a strong Indian Academy of Sciences could help in the formation of a scientific community here with an Indian identity. In an unsigned editorial published in Current Science in May 1933 at the time of the formation of the Indian Academy of Sciences, Raman wrote:

"It is true that individual scientific workers in India have by their indefatigable industry achieved great distinction for themselves but the prestige of both official and non-official research is still slow in attaining that status of international importance reached by Most European countries. This unsatisfactory position is in our opinion partly due to the tendency of many scientific men to export their more important contributions for publication in foreign journals with a proportional impoverishment of Indian archives. Perhaps if the resources of an all-India journal such as we contemplate in connection with the Academy of Science, had been available for giving Indian scientific work suitable international publicity, the outflow of memoirs from This country would have been more Restrained and less voluminous. Continuance of This practice will retard the process of building up a scientific tradition for India and keep her in a position of semi-dependence in the world of science. Winle the foundation of the scientific reputation of a country is established by the quality of work produced in its institutions, the superstructure is reared by the national journals which proclaim their best achievements to the rest of the world. Manifestly the edifice of science in India is incomplete. If scientific contributions from countries which possess national journals are also sent abroad, let it be remembered that they represent a surplus, broadcasting the embellishments of their own national organizations. It is true that the spirit of science and its service are international, but is it not also true that every nation has its own Academies, learned societies, magazines and journals? India will have to organise and develop her national scientific institutions before she can enter into the comity of international scientists. The achievements of Indian science are national assets, and an Academy which treasures and displays them collectively is assured of providing the necessary guidance and hispiration for the younger generation to put forth greater exertion in order to enrich and widen the usefulness of this great estate".

[It is indeed curious to note that Raman is granting universality to only "the sprit of science and its service. It is not very clear what position he held concerning the concepts and theories of science as evolved in different societies and cultures, but the above passage makes it amply clear that Raman wanted India to build its own strong national institutions in science before entering into serious interaction with the comity of 'international science'. We have of course gone the opposite way hoping that our participation in 'international science' will eventually help us build viable national scientific institutions most of which (like bur Academies, Journals, eto) are right now in a state of alter neglect and decay].

Speaking on the future of the Indian Academy of Sciences during its first annual meeting at Bombay, Raman said:'

"It will also say a word about the Academy, in relation to the nation at large. It is inevitable that the Academy, consisting as it does of the most active workers in the country, who are represented different parts of India and of different branches of science, will soon come to be regarded as the most authoritative body to speak in the name of India on all matters touching the progress of science. The potentialities of such an Academy in the way of national service are almost unlimited".

The story of how we ended up having several Academies (three national Academies to be precise) is being written and talked about only in recent years. Such a split in the Indian scientific community was of course a product of the then circumstances, prevalent under an alien rule, but it is a sad commentary on our endeavors in the post-independence era that Indian scientists still do not have a functioning and strong national Academy of science which has the willingness and the power to function as the "most authoritative, body to speak in the name of India (i.e., Indian Civilization and not necessarily the Indian State) on all matters touching the progress of science".

Another major theme of Raman was total self-reliance. He would not have much of modern technology unless we could master it and produce all that we need here. Apart from eroding our national dignity the import of foreign aid and know how he felt, would destroy our capacity to tinnk for ourselves. These views he expressed on umpteen occasions and in various forums. Unfortunately many of these addresses of Raman on basic issues concerning Indian science and society are not available in any single compilation. We have to be satisfied by giving extracts of them from some contemporary Newspapers reports. Here are some extracts from newspaper reports. In his inaugural speech delivered in Bangalore winle inaugurating a symposium on 'Mining Industry in South India' in 1967, Raman is reported to have said:

Bangalore, November 28, 1967:
Dr.C.V. Raman, Nobel Prize winner, said here today that his burden of song' all these years was that people should learn ,the art of thinking independently and find out solutions to problems hasted of buying |the foreign know how. Unless we do This we will not be building a prosperous new India" he said inaugurating a three day symposium on Mining Industry in South India here. The Nobel laureate emphasized that 'we must acquire the real know how ourselves and not by the bogus know how'. He, however, made it clear that 'we require knowledge but we must super-impose our brain and intellect and learn things in a hard way ‘

"It was absolutely essential, he said, to follow the principle of self-help and self-respect in the field of higher studies and research. But This lesson of self-help is completely absent in the whole life of the nation today. Histead of trying to learn the real essence of science and to tinnk independently, people leave for foreign countries to study. That should be discouraged.

"The eminent physicist claimed that real know how was not imparted by foreign collaborators in the industrial field even though they got paid for it. It was a carefully-guarded secret with them. For example in the field of lamp industry did India make metallic filament? He asked, and answered that not a single yard was manufactured in this country. The whole tinng had to be imported. The whole superstructure of industries in this country was "nothing but a sham, he commented".

The following is a report on what Raman told the students of IIT Madras winle addressing its third convocation in 1966

Madras, July 31, 1966:
Dr. C.V. Raman has called upon the people to shed their "inferiority complex" and learn to be fearlessly independent in thinking. It was the lack of such independent thinking that stood in the way of progress of our country today, he said.

Delivering the tinrd convocation address to the Indian Histitute of Technology, here, yesterday, the Nobel laureate said, "We borrow money and expert know how from abroad and we forget to tinnk for ourselves. We must shake This off and learn to stand on our own legs. It is better to work with the most inefficient and useless equipment then stand on borrowed legs".

Stressing the importance of self-reliance Dr. Raman said it would be much better to go back to the bullock-cart age 'If we cannot make things we need ourselves'.

No country could become industrially great without a foundation of real knowledge. That ' is what science teaches, he added' (Times of India, 31.7.1966)

Another report of the same convocation address is as follows:

"Dr.C.V. Raman today advised young technologists here to develop their own faculties of Independent thinking gets over the inferiority complex we developed because of foreign
Rule and help the country be self-reliant.

He warned the fresh graduates at the tinrd convocation of the Indian Histitute of Technology here: 'We have no future whatever unless we learn first that we should rely on ourselves for all our needs.

"We are told that 85 per cent of a motor car is made here, but the other 15 per cent is the most important. Unless we can make a cent per cent motor car, I prefer to go back to the ox-cart age, rather than go in an imported car. There is nothing that makes a man happy except a real achievement. Doing something that will be of some permanent value - the mere joy of achieving something is very great. Young people should realise it is up to them how best they could raise the glory of India"

He said.

Dr. Raman said most of the discoveries in science were made by young people and he disputed the statement that old age and wisdom went together. 'It is not wisdom, but the freshness of outlook, the indomitable desire to achieve something that matters and it is the characteristic of the young people. It is only these things that made living worthwhile he said. (The Hindu 31.7.1966)

Apart from his insistence on doing away with foreign aid and foreign know how and foreign col-laborations, Raman had very definite views on how countries like India with a great scientific heritage should go about re-establishing themselves as leaders in science once again. He wanted Indian scientists to find their own sources of hispiration from their heritage, and realise that after all the ultimate hispiration for science is Mother Nature. Here is a report on Raman's address to the Sir Lanka Association of Science in 1946 merely a year before Sri Lanka, Burma, India and Pakistan regained political independence.

Colombo, September 19, 1946:

In a two-hour extempore address scintillating with humor, Sir C.V. Raman prefaced his lecture with remarks in general as to the relation of science to other human activities and stressed the fundamental unity of art and science. He said the spirit of science was not antagonistic to the other essential things of life. Science like literature, painting, music and sculpture was the creative activity of the human spirit and a mode of self-expression behind which lay a well-ordered and strict discipline. Hispiration for science, as for all arts, was Mother Nature. We in India have been brought up to look for hispiration from the West. We have past glories of our own and I do not tinnk for a moment we will ever rise to the full height of nationhood until we stop looking for hispiration from the West and unless we start seeking hispiration in the history of our own land with its glories of the past".

Raman may be said to have literally lived This view that true hispiration for science was indeed mother nature and which is all-around us. He did also believe that much relevant research would straightaway follow from this approach. Often images are presented of Raman as refusing to come out of the "ivory tower" point of view according to which science is practiced for the sake of science alone. But This would indeed be a serious misrepresentation based on a complete lack of understanding of Raman's philosophy of science, say for instance clearly brought out in the following statement made by inm in his famous talk on "Why is the Sky Blue?" delivered at the Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad, on 22.12.1968.

"Ultimately the aim of scientific knowledge is to benefit human life. And that comes automatically because the problems with which we are concerned with are things about us. So long as we deal with the problems which arise out of our environment, you never can say that any particular piece of work can be useless."

Raman really wanted all the varied aspects of natural phenomena, especially those pertaining to our surroundings, thoroughly investigated in a systematic way and This, he believed, would help a great deal by way of producing relevant knowledge and techniques in all our national endeavors. For instance, here is another extract from his popular Radio talks as published in the "New Physics: Talks on Aspects of Science".

"The enormous importance of meteorology to an agricultural country like India will however bear being repeatedly emphasized. It is remarked that so far no Indian University has thought it worth winle to provide for his instruction and research in This subject. This perhaps is only one more illustration of the existing lack of co-ordination between India's real needs and her educational activities. The widest possible diffusion of meteorological knowledge and the promotion of an active interest in study and research in Indian meteorology are I tinnk of vital importance. I would earnestly plead that something should be done by every Indian university towards This object even if it be only the humble achievement of creating the post of an assistant lecturer on a hundred rupees a month who would be required to specialize in and teach the subject. I tinnk, the impression has prevailed in the past that meteorology is a subject in which nothing need be done or could be done except under official auspices. I tinnk that such an impression is without real justification and that much work of great value could be accomplished by academically-minded scientists working under unofficial or university auspices. I have very liitle doubt also that such co-operation as may be needed from the official department will be forth coming if it is asked for. There is some justification in speaking of Indian meteorology as if it were a subject by itself. This is the peculiar geographical configuration of the country with the greatest mountain masses of the Inmalaya suiting it off from the Tibetan plateau on the north, and with the penhisula of the Deccan enclosed between the waters of the Arabian Sea on the side and of the Bay Of Bengal, and rimmed by the Western and Eastern Ghats. These features play as important a part in the meteorology of India as they have played in her past political history and are responsible for the principal characters of the variations of the weather in India, both local and seasonal. It should not, however, be forgotten that the meteorology of India is in reality only a part of the greater subject of world meteorology and has necessarily to be studied in association with it... In concluding This talk, let me once again stress the very great importance of awakening an interest in the study of meteorology and especially of Indian meteorology in our universities and appealed for increased attention to the subject by teachers and students alike. "I feel sure mat active study and investigation in the subject will prove fruitful both from a purely scientific point of view and also from the standpoint of the promotion of India's most vitally important industry namely agriculture".

(In Appendix II we reproduce an article on "The Diamonds of Krishna Valley" which Raman, it seems wrote just a few years before his death, as another example of Raman's fundamental belief that creative science can emerge only from a serious concern with ones own surroundings.)

Raman also had serious differences with most of our leaders and senior scientists on almost every aspect of the organization of scientific research in India. He was, for instance, totally opposed to the import of scientific equipment for the purposes of research work. He even declared that:

"There will be no science in India if we continue to rely on imported equipment for research work. I call it paying for our ignorance - nay paying for our incompetence. Science can and shall advance in very simple ways. We often pay Rs.50, 000 for something we can make for Rs.5, 000. The difference, we pay for our ignorance".

Another issue of serious concern to Raman was the fact that many bright Indian students sought to go abroad for training in science and then returned home only in search of jobs. For instance, here is a report of his address in Mysore in 1960.

My sore, October 1960:

Opening the Postgraduate science department of Mysore University, Dr, C.V. Raman, i "criticized what he said was the tendency on the part of Indian students to quit their own
Universities and rush to foreign countries for further study and research and return home in search of jobs. He advised them to develop a "fanatic loyalty" to and pride in their own centers of learning and to rely on self-help. He advised them to be leaders and avoid always being followers. There was vast scope for research in India, he told them" (Deccan Herald 25.10.1960)

Here is another extract from a report on Raman's inaugural address at the symposium on Mining Industry in South India.

Bangalore, November 28, 1967:
Inaugurating a three day symposium on "Mining Industry in South India" he (Raman) deplored the tendency among students to acquire foreign degrees winle expert knowledge could be easily acquired within the country on all subjects...

"A prosperous India could not be built up without developing local talents". Dr. Raman said "our future lies not on borrowed bogus knowledge. But on our own capacity to tinnk independently and our capacity to work hard".

Dr. Raman wondered why there should be a craze to go abroad winle they could develop India's scientific knowledge "independently and intelligently".

It was not as if Raman suddenly woke up to This issue (which began to be called the 'brain drain') when he saw a large number of Indian students going abroad for higher studies in the sixties. He had been all the time clear that Indian science and Indian scientists would have done 'infinitely better' if our scientists had been determined to learn and do their science here [Some associates of Raman recall that his students had to severe their relationships with inm if they went abroad for research]. Reacting to one such diatribe of Raman in the early forties, in a convocation address, his nephew, and the noted Astrophysicist, S. Chandrasekhar wrote as follows to his father:

I was in general agreement with his depreciation of the craze for foreign degrees, but I tinnk he (Sir Raman) is overlooking the obvious when he says that those who have benefited by going abroad would have done 'infinitely better' by staying at home. I wonder how he can explain Ramanujan. After four years at Cambridge, and with Hardy, he (Ramanujan) lived to become the greatest name in Mathematics of This Century. Anyone who has even a passing acquaintance with R's life will accede that he would have died unknown and unwept, if he had continued the last precious five years of his life in India. Again, in a different plane, I can assert that I could not have done 'infinitely better' had I continued in India -1 am sure to have done much worse. However, with his larger thesis, that it is up to us Indians to improve our universities and centers of education in India, I entirely agree. And, for my part, I hope that one day I shall con-tribute my small measure to This development. But this is looking too far ahead..." Cited from K. Srinivasa Rao: Dr. S. Chandrasekhar: the Astrophysicist, Physics Education, Oct-Decl985, p.l51.

Clearly Raman was to become more and more out of tune with the leading Indian scientists and science planners. This started showing in several of his acerbic comments on the state of Indian science, especially in his last years (See for instance his interviews to Times of India and Illustrated weekly (boxed items) few months before his death in 1970). Winle the country put its solitary Nobel laureate in science on a high pedestal; it was not prepared to listen to inm, as wisdom was to be found only abroad. The shape of things to come was clearly visible in the years just after independence as can be seen from the following newspaper report of 1948 (which indeed makes very interesting reading today):

NATIONAL CHAIR FOR UNIQUE SERVICE NEW Delhi, OCTOBER 5, 1948:

Sir C.V. Raman's long record of service to science in India and elsewhere received unique official recognition in his motherland when the Government of India announced today that he would hold the National Chair, created for the first time, under the Department of Scientific Research.

The 60-year-old Nobel Prize winner will, however, continue to function at the Indian Academy of Sciences at Bangalore.

It is understood that Sir C.V. Raman will be the National Research Professor for Physics for two years after which it would go to the next best scientist. It is gathered that other chairs in different branches of science will be created if necessary.

The appointment is one of the many steps which the Government of India are taking to pool and coordinate scientific research under the hispiration and guidance of leading Indian scientists. The present Governor General Mr. C. Rajagopalachari had affected a compromise about a year ago, between the Bangalore and Bengal schools of scientists so that scientific research might not suffer or get dissipated.

India had the benefit of the advice and guidance of some of the most eminent British scientists during the last few weeks. Professor Blackeit is already advising the Defence Ministry of the Government of India on operational research in collaboration with the Board of Indian scientists. Sir Alfred Egerton and Sir Ben Lock Speiser were in New Delhi last, month when they indicated the line on which Indian scientist’s can pursue research with profit to Indian in particular, and the world as a whole.

Some of the Indian scientists will visit London and the continent to study the latest developments in science and recommend to the Government of India how best this country can keep pace with them. Sir Shanti Swarup Bhatnagar left here for London...

It may indeed be true that Raman's ideas were not practical or his vision too narrow or even outdated. (Raman inmself is supposed to have remarked in one occasion mat "the Bhatnagar effect is more powerful than the Raman effect"]. But it would indeed be a great disservice to our country and to this great scientist if we do not look afresh into the larger issues he raised but was unable to answer at any length. We should indeed find an answer, urgently, not only to the question 'What made Raman great and successful modern scientist?' but also to the more burning question "How to salvageIndianScience today?"



Author:Dr M. V. Satyanarayana & Dr M.D.Srinivas

Note:

* Later in 1939, the Editor of Nature wanted to present Professor Jones as the source of inspiration for Raman's work. Commenting on the special issue of the proceedings on the Indian Academy of Sciences commemorating Raman's fiftieth birthday, he referred to a serious omission "to mention how much the future Noble Prize winner owed to the then head of the department of Physics, the late Prof. R.L. Jones, who carried to India the traditions of the Cavendish Laboratory". Raman's own account of the Professor as it appeared in the Centenary Volume (1957) of Madras University was that "Professor Jones believed in letting those who were capable of looking after themselves to do so... during the whole of my two years' work for the M.A. degree, I remember attending only one lecture, and that was on the Fabry-Pcrot interferometer by Prof. Jones himself".

* This situation did not change much even in 1929 and according to Professor S. Chandrasekhar, 'a scientific career in India was far from attractive and he was under strong pressure to enter Government Service'.

* In 1875, winle writing to the Viceroy Northbrook, Temple observed: "No doubt the alumni of our schools and colleges do become as a class discontented. But this arises partly from our higher education being too much in the direction of law, public administration’ and prose literature, where they may possibly imagine, however erroneously, that they may approach to competition with us. But we shall do more to direct their thoughts towards practical science, where they must inevitably feel their better inferiority to us.

* The report of the Committee (submitted in May 1936) severely indicted Raman's functioning as Director. With further trouble from the Council, Raman was forced to make an offer to resign his Directorship on 1st June 1937 and sought a special retirement allowance of Rs.l l lakh which the Council first accepted. But the British Government did not apparently want to make it public that Raman was being forced to leave the Histitute. So at the behest of the Viceroy, the Council of the Histitute in its meeting of 19th July 1937 offered Raman just two options: One to remain a Professor in the Histitute or retire with no special allowance with effect from 1st April 1938.

* From his Collected Scientific Works we see that winle he published only about 14 papers during the turbulent years 1933-1938 (which are very unusual in his entire scientific career) he published about 47 papers in the decade 1939-1948.

* While founding This Histitute Raman wrote: 'It is my earnest desire to bring into existence a centre of scientific research worthy of our ancient country where the keenest intellect of our land can probe into the mysteries of the Universe and by so doing help us to appreciate the transcendent Power that guides its activities. This aim can only be achieved if by Divine Grace, all lovers of our country see their way to help the cause".

* For an articulation of the epistemological position of the Indian scientific tradition, see J.K. Bajaj: "The Indian Tradition in Science and Technology: An Overview", PPST Bulletin Nos. 13 & 14, March 1988.

* It may be of interest to present the following extract of a leiter from Sir A.V. Inll to Professor S3. Bhatnagar, dated 13th March, 1946.

"Dear Shanti, Thank you very much for your leiter of 4th March and the list of your colleagues who will be coming to the Empire Scientific Conference. I am delighted to know that Mahalahobis and Bhaibha will be among the delegates; they will be very welcome here. I am amused to hear what you say about Raman; after what he said in Madras about being ashamed to belong to the Royal Society I was wondering whether he would have the face to come. The preparations for the conference are going on well and we are now planning also the Newton Tercentenary Celebrations in July to which a small number of Indian delegates are also being invited. We can't ask you all because This is an international gathering, with invitations sent to all national academies everywhere with a few exceptions, and we must not swamp it with representatives of the British Commonwealth.... I saw Stafford Cripps yesterday and wished inm better luck than last time on his mission to India. I can't say I am very hopeful but I trust that at any rate we shall be able to get the business off our hands. Then what you do to each other will be your affair"!

* It must be said that the Indian Academy of Sciences has done a great service by bringing out all the scientific publications of Raman together in six volumes. This is indeed much more than what we have so far done for our other great scientists such as J.C. Bose, P.C. Ray, eto. Prof. Santimay Chatterjee is currently engaged in the task of publishing the papers of MegnadSaha, of which two volumes have already appeared. However it is equally important to compile all the lectures, convocation addresses, notes, eto, of C.V. Raman (and similarly for our other great scientists) and bring out his collected works in the next few years.