A LIST OF BOOKS ON INDIAN S AND T

A LIST OF BOOKS ON INDIAN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

THE following is a short list of Books on Indian science and Technology. Most of these books have not yet been seen by us. Many of the titles are gleaned from other articles. and references. Hence the list is not in any sense representative of the literature on the subject, which of the source works (in Indian Languages) or their translations. 

This list can be supplemented by going through the various articles in the journal. ' Indian Journal of History of Science ' which is published biennially by INSA from 1966. We hope that various groups will cooperate in exchanging through this bulletin similar lists of books/ articles that they come across. In this way we may finally evolve an extensive bibliography of material on Indian Science and Technology.

Ⅰ. GENERAL

1. Claude Alvares, Homo Faber, Allied Publishers, 1979.

2. D.M. Bose, S.N. Sen and B.V. Subbarayappa Eds.,

    A Concise History of Science in India, INSA 1970.

3. D.P. Chattopadhyay, Lokayata - A Study of Indian

    Materialism, Peoples Publishing House.

4. D.P. Chattopadhyay, science and society in Ancient

    India, India Publications, Calcutta, 1977.

5. Dharmpal, Indian Science and Technology, in the 18th Century,

    Impex India, New Delhi, 1971.

6. INSA, Symposium on History of Sciences in India, 1974.

7. O.P. Jaggi, History of Science and Technology in

    India (in several volumes), Atma Ram and Sons (From 1973).

8. S. Prakash, Founders of Science in Ancient India,

    The Research Institute of Ancient Scientific Studies, New Delhi, 1965.

9. Publications Division (Govt. of India), Scientists of India, 1979.

10. Dal [Not Visible], The Materialistic Tradition in Indian Thought,

      Motilal Banarsi Das, 1961.

11. B.K. Sarkar, Hindu Achievements in Exact Science,

      Longmans, 1918.

12. B.N. Seal, Positive Sciences of Ancient Hindus,

      Motilal Banarsi Das, 1958.

13. R. Taton, Ed. Ancient and Mediaval Science,

      Basic Books Inc. New York, 1957.

14. A.J.J. Winter, Eastern Science, John Murray,

      London, 1952.

Ⅱ. MATHEMATICS AND ASTRONOMY

1  R. Brillard, L’ Astronomie Indianne (in French),

    pub de L' Ecole Française d’ extreme Orient, Vo1.83, 1971.

2. S.B, Dikshit, Bharatiya  Jyoti Shastra (Eng. Tr. by

    R.V. Vaidya), Govt. of India Press, 1969.

3. B.B. Dutta and A.N, Singh, History of Hindu

    Mathematics, Asia Publishing House, 1962.

4. Gorakh Prasad, Bharatiya Jyotish Ka Itihas, Pothishala

     Pvt. Ltd. Allahabad, 1965.

5. D. Pingree, Census of Exact Sciences in Sanskrit, Vols. ⅠⅡ,

    American Philosophical society, Philosophic (from 1970).

6. D.Pingree, History of Mathematical Astronomy in India,

    Dictionary of Scientific Bibliography     XV supply. Ⅰ,                   

    New York, 1978.

7.  G.S. Sampath Iyengar, K.G.S, Seshagiri, Ancient Hindu

     Astronomy, International Society for the Investigation

     of Ancient Civilization, Madras, 1980.

8.  Saraswati Amma. Geometry in Ancient and Medieval India,

     Motilal Banarsi Das, 1979.

9.  S.N. sen, A. Bibliography of Sanskrit works on

     Astronomy and Mathematics, INSA,1966.

10. P.C. Sengupta, "Hindu Astronomy'' in Cultural Heritage of

     India, VOL.Ⅲ. PP. 341 - 377.

11. Triveni Prasad Sinha, Graha Nakshatra (in Hindi).

      Bihar Rashtra Bhasha Parishad, Patna, 1955.

12. D.A. Somayaji, A Critical Study of Ancient Hindu

      Astronomy, Karnatak University, Dharwar, 1971.

13. C.N.  Srinivasa Iyengar, History of Ancient Indian.

      Mathematics, World Press, Calcutta, 1967.

Ⅲ. MEDICINE

1. C. Chakraborthy, Ancient Hindu Medicine, Calcutta,1923.

2. J. Filliozat, The Classical Doctrine of Indian Medicine,

    Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1964.

3. Julius Jolly, Indian Medicine (Engl. tr. by. C.G. Kashikar),

     Poona, 1951.

4. Jyotir Mitra, History of Indian Medicine from Premauryan to

    Kushan Period, Banaras Hindu University, 1974.

5. G.N. Mukhopadhyaya, History of India Medicine (in 2 vols.)

     Calcutta University, 1923.

6. G.N. Mukhopadhyaya, The Surgical Instruments of Hindus

    (in 3 volumes), Calcutta University, 1913.

7. P. V. Sharma, Indian Medicine in the classical Age,

    Chowkhamba Sanskrit Office, 1972.

8. P.V. Sharma, Ayurved ka vaignanik Itihas.

9. [Not Visible] Zimmer, Hindu Medicine, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1948.

Ⅳ. AGRICULTURE AND BOTANY 

1. L.H. Burkhill, Chapters in the History of Botany in India, Botanical

     Survey of India, Calcutta, 1965.

2.  ICAR, Agriculture in Ancient India, New Delhi, 1966.

3.  G.P. Majumdar, The History of Botany and Allied Sciences in India,

    Archives International d 'Historic dos Sciences, UNESCO. Paris, 1970.

4.  G.P. Majumdar, Vanaspati, Calcutta, University, 1927.

5.  Vishnu Mittre, History of Agriculture in India,

     Deccan College, Poona, 1970.

6.  S.P. Ray Chaudhury, Agricultural Practices in Ancient

     India, ICAR Review Series No.4, New Delhi,1953.

V. CHEMISTRY, METALLURGY AND TECHNOLOGY 

1. H. Berstein, Steamboats on the Ganges - An Exploration in the

     History of India's Modernization through Science and Technology, 1960.

2. CIBA Review No. 2, India -Its Dyes and its colour

   Symbolism.

3. M.G. Dikshit, History of Indian Glass, Bombay, 1969.

4. J. Fergusson, History of Indian and Easterm Architecture

   (in 2 volumes)

5. D.R. Gadgil, The Industrial Evolution of India, 1969.

6. Satish Grover, The Architecture of India - Buddist and

   Hindu, Vikas Publishers, 1980.

7. P. Mannetty, Imperialism and Free Trade - Lancashire

   and India in the Mid 19th Century, 1972.

8. Irwin and schwartz Eds., Studies in Indo- European Textile

   History, 1966.

9. R.K. Mookarjee, Indian Shipping, Bombay, 1912.

10. P. Noogi, Copper in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1918.

11. P. Noogi, Iron in Ancient India, Calcutta, 1914.

12. A.S. Pearse, The Indian Cotton Industry, 1930.

13. P.C. Ray, History of Chemistry in Ancient and Medieval

     India (Edited by P. Ray), Indian Chemical Society 1956.

14. H.D. Sankalia, Some Aspects of Pre - Historic Technology

     In India, INSA.

15. D.C. Sircar, ED, Early Indian Trade and Industry,

     Calcutta University, 1972.                                                                                            

Madras Group

BOOK REVIEW ALTERNATIVE TECHNOLOGY

 A REVIEW OF THE BOOK “ALTERNATIVE TECHNOLOGY AND THE POLITICS OF TECHNICAL CHANGE"BY DAVID DICKSON (FONTANA ORIGINAL 1974)

THE BOOK under review is intended as a critique of the ‘contemporary technology of the advanced industralized societies of the west and proposes as an alternative, a utopian 'soft’ technology.

The author presents the case against contemporary technology very well in the opening chapter itself, The all too familiar arguments against the sophisticated ‘hard’ technology are repeated by him. He argues that all the problems resulting from the contemporary technology have to be seen in the perspective of industrialization. He rejects the traditional interpretation of technological innovations as inadequate. He argues that an ideology of industrialization with an emphasis on technology as having an internal objective logic that determines a unique progression from one stage of development to the next is what is responsible for the constant improvement in technology.

This ideology of industrialization gives a sort of legitimacy to policies that appear to promote the process of industrialization regardless of their social in itself for the progress of mankind, and to stand in the way of technology is by definition dubbed as reactionary. Thus, industrialization gets equated with modernization, with progress, with a better and healthier life for all. That is why the formula of industrialization is hold out as a solution to all societies, especially the under-developed countries of Asia and Africa. Dickson quotes professor Ashton to prove this point. Ashton had said: "There are today on the plains of India and China, men and women, plague ridden and hungry, living lives little better, in outward appearance, than those of the cattle that tail with them by way and share their places of sleep at night. Such Asiatic standards and such unmechanized horrors, are the lot of those who increase their numbers without passing through an industrial revolution” 

Dickson rightly observes that while it is true that industrialization succeeded in raising the standard of living of a large number of People, the ideology of industrialization disguises the political exploitation and manipulation that has accompanied industrialization, and hence, the development of contemporary technology. The value-free notion of industrialization and technology is rooted in the conventional model of social evolution. The history of civilization with a unidimensional view of progress implies that one can classify societies as primitive or advanced according to their level of technological development. Dickson says that almost all cultural and anthropological studies were based on such a nation of history. Many interpretations of industrial revolution have followed this pattern by claiming that it was the direct result of major technological changes. Even F. Engels has, in his earlier writings, explained industrial revolution is the result of technological changes. The idea that technology develops independently of society is still very popular as can be seen from Marshall McLuhan's proclamation that 'the medium is the message’ as late as 1960. 

Taking a closer look at the process of technological innovation the author comes out with a conclusion that "the means of production of industrialized societies since the industrial revolution to a great reflection of the relations of extent, become a production under which they were primarily carried out, the authoritarian and hierarchial class relations of industrial capitalism". This has serious implications for an alternative pattern of social development. As Dickson says “To use a possible metaphor, technology has the key that unlocked the door to progress. A key reflects the design of the lock it has been made to open; to open a different door requires a different shaped key”. That is, "A technology primarily developed under authoritaranism capitalism both reflects and becomes part of an ideology that permits the exploitation of men by man and the destruction of the environment in the ‘interests’ of society". Thus the development of a nonalienating and non-exploitative technology requires radical change in our attitudes towards the role of technology society. 

Dickson presents his blue print of a ‘soft’ alternative technology. While discussing the details of his alternative technology he emphasises that an alternative technology can be successfully applied on a large scale only when an alternative form of society has been created, Till such a time the technology that is proposed as an alternative remains ‘utopian’. 

The most useful part of the book is the chapter on "Intermediate technology and the third world". Dickson is very critical cf those who propose an intermediate-technological solution to the problems faced by the third world countries. He observes that intimidate technology still has its roots in western technological rationality. It seems that the so-called intermediate technology is “ideally suited to the growth in the under-developed countries of a western-oriented clite or bureaucracy many of whose numbers are rapidly becoming its fervent supporters". 

To prove his point about intermediate technology Dickson refers to the activities of the London based introduction technology development group (ITDG).

In his view, the activities of ITDG proves that it is posing the wrong questions. Implicit in the arguments of ITDG is the view that social development will result from developing a technology considered appropriate to a particular set of social and economic conditions. Here again, technology is seen as a neutral element in the process of social development This interpretation leads to two implications: One, That advanced technology creates all the problems, and the other that merely by altering the technology we will be able to solve our problems. Dickson also quotes some cases to prove that Intermediate technology can be used to further neo-colonialist interests. Ford Motor Company’s development of a vehicle to meet the environmental and economic conditions of South-East Asia is an example. The small pick-up truck called Fiora was claimed to be "Asia’s own vehicle largely designed and wholly built in the Asia Pacific region….. within the reach of.... emerging middle-classes’’. Dickson concludes: “Only by realizing the extent to which technology provides an integral “part of the ideology of contemporary society……..can we see the extent to which the need to develop an alternative technology is both necessary and desirable". 

The book clearly shows that the problem with developing countries is not only a choice of technology or adjustment of social relations but both. To neglect the political dimension of technology is to support an idealistic concept of technology. To argue that the problem is only the social relations of production and not the very nature of the means of production (of which S & T are a part) is to ignore the extent to which current technology is permeated by the exploitative ideology of advanced capitalist societies. 

G.S.R. Krishnan, Bangalore

SEEDS OF DESTRUCTION

Ever since the introduction of ‘Green Revolution’ in India and the rest of the third world by the World Bank there has been some controversy about the indiscriminate use of modern high-yielding variety (HYV) seeds for increasing food grain yields. In India in many places traditional food grain varieties have been discontinued in preference to the new HYV. In this context it becomes relevant to look at developments in the West, since it is these that determine the current course of development of agriculture in India and other third world countries. A recent article ‘Plant Patenting - sowing the seeds of Destruction’ published in the American Magazine ‘Science for the People’ (Vol.12, No.5, Sept. - Oct. 1930) discusses the ‘logical’ course set for modern agriculture by western S and T. We shall here summarise some of the issues raised in this article. 

It is perhaps a matter of faith among people who are not connected directly with science - that developments in modern science are usually followed by applications of this science for human welfare. An area where the applications of high technology and science have been accepted without any question as being beneficial and in the interest of mankind is that of agriculture particularly in the third world it is by now taken for granted that any application of modern ‘advanced’ S and T in agriculture has to liberate agriculture from the age old, ‘primitive’ techniques are a cause of stagnation in these societies in general.  It is said that this is the only way by means of which these societies can feed their large populations and establish a basis for industrial development as well. Let us for a moment look at the logical culmination of the efforts at modernizing agriculture-food grain cultivation and how this trend promises the opposite of what it set out to do - i.e.; not liberation but threats of a disaster. 

Traditionally there have been thousands of varieties wheat, rice and other food groups. Human efforts and natural selection processes resulted in this large variety. The defenses that plants evolved to attacks by pests and diseases were represented in genetically diverse varieties of each crop. In diversity there was strength. Modern agriculture is now changing this traditional pattern of sound agriculture. 

With the breeding and marketing of new ‘improved’ varieties of food grains traditional varieties are being replaced. Big multinational corporations which have entered the business of developing new varieties of seeds are putting pressure on (western) governments to allow companies to patent these new plant varieties. In Europe, some (common market) countries have outlawed the growing of many uppatented plants. It is estimated that by 1991, three fourths of all the vegetable varieties now grown in Europe will be extinct due to the attempt to enforce patenting laws. Already, in places, where thousands of wheat once grew, now only a few varieties are to be seen. When traditional plant varieties are lost, their unique genetic material is also lost forever. If because of genetic limitations which result from in breeding new varieties are no longer resistent to certain insects or, then real catastrophe could strike. Without the seeds which carry specific genes conferring resistance, it may not be possible to breed resistance bank into these food grain crops. The situation seems to have reached a stage where western agricultural scientists are even talking of 'collapse of civilization’ that would accompany a major genetic-related crop disaster. 

Any developments in agriculture must take into account both the local specificities of culture, climate as well as the nature of historical developments in agriculture in any country. The need to do this is not so much to preserve or 'revive' old techniques and patterns of life as to understand how developments in agriculture can be compatible with and serve the interests of the people. 

Madras Group 

EXPORT OF HAZARDOUS GOODS

FOREIGN domination in third world countries is well known in drugs and chemical industries. Allopathy has become an accepted system of medicine in third world countries and has reached the smallest of villages. Most of the drugs used in the allopathy system are 'discovered’ in U.S.A. or Europe. Because of the selfishness of the multinational companies, they produce new medicines with incomplete scientific tests. There seems to be a hurry in making new medicine. This is why we often hear of some drugs producing adverse side effects and being withdrawn from the market. The multinationals and their associates seem to have no ethics when it comes to dumping their goods which are banned in certain countries (USA for example), in third world countries. Even the Government of U.S.A. seems to help dumping (a term used by Mother Jones’ for export of banned and hazardous products) by being a silent spectator. It has not banned dumping in a multitude of cases, when it had the legal right to do so. Often in the name of helping third world countries and with a patronising attitude it has helped dumping of banned goods. An issue of ‘Mother Jones’* (November 1979) brings out with some statistics the dumping carried out by U.S.A. multinationals in drugs, medicines, pesticides, and other chemicals. The following are some of the points from the articles in that issue: 

Here are some of the examples of dumping listed in 'Mother Jones’ After the Dalkon shiel, an intrauterin device, killed many women in United States, the manufacturer withdraw it from the domestic market. It is sold overseas after the American recall and is still in common use in some countries. 

No one knows how many children may develop cancer since several million children's garments treated with a carcinogenic fire retardant called Tris were shipped overseas after being forced off the U.S.A. markets by the consumer product safety commission (CPSC) of U.S.A. 

Lomotil, an effective anti-diarrhea medicine sold only by prescription in U.S.A. because it is fatal in amounts just slightly over the recommended doses, was sold over the Counter in Sudan, in packages proclaiming it was ‘used by astronauts during Gemini and Apollo space flights’ and recommended for use by children as young as 12 months. 

Depo-Provera, an injectible contraceptive banned for such use in U.S.A. because it caused malignment tumors in beagles and monkeys, is sold by the Upjohn Co. in 70 other countries, where it is widely used in U.S.A. specified population Control Programmes. 

400 Iraqis died in 1972 and 5000 were hospitalised after consuming the by-product of 8000 tons of wheat and barley coated with an organic mercury fungicide, whose use had been banned in U.S.A. 

4,50,000 baby pacifier of the type that have caused choking deaths have been exported by at least five manufacturers since a ban was proposed by the CPSC. In the table are examples of how certain drugs sold in the U.S.A. with information about their adverse effects are sold in other countries publicizing fewer adverse effects and in some cases none. 

A team of 'Mother Jones' correspondents has interviewed the concerned Government officials and found that all of them are aware of dumping. They know the names of dumped goods, the companies, when it goes and other exact statistics. In spite of that they are not concerned about the way it affects the people on whom it is dumped. 

When some persons concerned about dumping advised the U.S.A. Government to ban exportation of goods banned on the grounds of health hazard etc., the following was the reply: 'The standards of public health and safety are best determined by individual governments. No country shall establish itself the arbiter of others' health and safety standards.

The FDA* of U.S.A. allows manufacturers to export banned drugs and even unapproved new drugs if they are shipped under ‘an investigation protocol’: ’You export it., but never offer it for sale in U.S.A. again’ is the FDA dictum.

Madras Group

Drug	UNITED STATES	MEXICO	CENTRAL AMERICA
Tetracycline (Antibiotic used against various infections), Lederle Labs.	Caution against use: By infants, children, during pregnancy, with liver or kidney impairment (latter can be fatal) if overly sensitive to light.  Adverse reactions                  publicized Vomiting, diarrhea, nausea, upset stomach, rashes, kidney poisoning, can poison fetus.	Caution against use: By infants, children, during pregnancy or if overly sensitive to light.   Adverse reactions                  publicized     Vomiting, diarrhea, nausea, upset stomach	None       Adverse reactions                  publicized     None
Ovulen (Birth control Pills: G.D. Searle Co.)        In U.S. used for contraception only. In some Latin, American countries, Searle Recommends it also for regulating menstrual cycles, premenstrual tention and     menopausal problems	Caution Against use: If patients has tendency to blood clot liver dysfunction, abnormal vaginal bleeding, epilepsy, migraine, asthma, heart trouble. Adverse reactions publicized Nausea, loss of hair, nervousness, jaundice, high blood pressure, weight change, headaches.	Caution Against use: If patients has tendency to blood clot liver dysfunction, abnormal vaginal bleeding, epilepsy, migraine, asthma, heart trouble. Adverse reactions publicized Nausea, weight change	Caution Against use: If patients has tendency to blood clot liver dysfunction     Adverse reactions publicized  Nausea, weight change
Imipramine (Anti-Depressant: CIBA GEIGY)   In U.S. used for depression only. In some Latin American countries, CIBA- GEIGY recommends it also for senility. Chronic pain and alcoholism.	Caution against use: If patient has heart disease, history of urinary retention, history of seizures, manic disorder or is on typhoid medication. Not recommended for children or during pregnancy. Adverse reactions publicized Hypertension, stroke, slumbing, delusions, insomaia, numbness, dry mouth blurred vision, constipation, itching, nausea, vomiting, loss of appetite, diarrhea, sweating.	Caution against use: During first trimester of pregnancy Adverse reactions publicized Dry mouth, constipation, itching, sweating.	Caution against use: If patient has heart disease.        Adverse reactions publicized   None.

Drug	BRAZIL	ARGENTINA
Tetracycline  (Antibiotic used against various infections), Lederle Laboratories	Caution against use:  By infants, children, during pregnancy Adverse reactions publicized   Vomiting, nausea, upset stomach, rashes	Caution against use:  None   Adverse reactions publicized   None
Ovulen (British Control Pills: G.D. Searle Co.) In U.S. used for contraception only. In some Latin American countries, Searle Recommends it also for regulating menstrual cycles, premenstrual tention and menopausal problems.	Caution against use: If patients has tendency to blood clot. Adverse reactions publicized None	Caution against use: If patients has tendency to blood clot. Adverse reactions publicized     None
Imipramine (Anti-depressant: CIBA- GEIGY) In U.S. used for depression only. In some Latin American countries, CIBA-GEIGY recommends it also for senility chronic pain and alcoholism	Caution against use If patient has heart disease. Not recommended for children or during pregnancy.	Caution against use  May exaggerate response to alcohol   Adverse reactions publicized  None

ALTERNATIVE SCIENCE

ALTERNATIVE SCIENCE - SOME QUESTIONS
A-REVIEW OF THE PAPER "EVIDENCE FOR AN ALTERNATIVE IN SCIENCES"
BY ANTONINO DRAGO*

THIS paper is an attempt to construct a model for an alternative in exact sciences by putting together elements within the history of Western sciences which have been rejected in the dominant tradition. The merits and or the relevance of such an attempt are of course questionable. However, in constructing this model the paper touches upon a number of questions which inevitably arise in any discussion of alternatives to the present day western science. Questions such as: the political relevance of alternatives, the lessons of the various debates on and attempts at executing such alternatives, the epistemological status of the largely held belief in the uniqueness of the exact sciences, etc. In this review we summarise the author's position on those questions and make only a brief reference to the particular model of an alternative science proposed by the author*.

1. Political necessity of a critique of science:

The concept of a unique universal value-free science is a development caused by the political necessities of the western capitalist system; and to seek an alternative political framework it is imperative to free oneself from this myth and to establish that different societies can and must produce different sciences. 

The concept of a unique universal value-free science as used in this paper implies the attitude that there is some ‘objective’ truth independent of the social realities that can be approached through the methods of western science which themselves are ‘objective’ and free of any social values. 

According to the paper the establishment of this concept is directly related to the aims of the western civilization. It was the historical project of the western science to separate itself from the individual life, be neutral with respect to the social conflict, not to be related to history except for the dates of the various discoveries. The same thing happened to all western institutions: the church, the state, the bureaucracy, the law administration, the school and the University and the same hold true for their results: theology, law, knowledge'. This alleged value-free-ness of sciences allowed ‘the power systems of western society to absorb all social trends into the scientific framework, an thereby relate them to some unlimited targets presented to the people as valid ‘per se’ aims'. However, these 'metaphysical aims were functionally related to its (western society's) social aims'. Thus the result of establishment of the concept of value-free-ness of science was to transform the social aims of the power systems of the west into some value-free technical aims which are universally valid.

If what is said above is correct, then it follows that whenever a society accepts the allegedly value-free technical aims of the western science, it also accepts the social aims of the western power system. The acceptance of these technical aims of western science makes it ‘unavoidable that any efficient economy must, at least potentially, be capitalistic'. This accounts for the phenomenon that ‘even a nationalised economy may revert to a capitalistic one; this is why the ‘Chinese society after its first revolution, was obliged to do another revolution in order to remain in search of a socialist society’ *.

From these observations about the social-content of the ‘value-free’ criteria of western science the author concludes that the role

of science has been central to the historical project of western society and that no political alternative will be a success until a radical critique of science occurs. In developing this critique one must first attack the major claim of modern science, that of being an ‘absolute’ both for our 'knowledge’ and our society - a claim that legitimatises the present social development.

2. Lack of consensus:

Historically there has never been a consensus on the characterisation of western science as unique and value-free. The criticism of this concept has emerged both from outside science: from social groups opposed to the historical project of the western society: and from within science-from the failure of western epistemologists to support this claim and from the failure of the most developed of the western sciences to develop clearly defined objective foundational principles. 

Right from the beginning there has been opposition to the western science and technology. ‘The churches criticised many scientific conclusions and the materialistic trend of scientific research and technical progress. The idealistic philosophies assigned to the sciences a more technical role, without any intellectual relevance. The workers’ movements, although maintaining that the sciences and the technological progress would give social power to the proletarian class, declared that scientific theories are bourgeois and claimed both an alternative use of science and an alternative science. The anti-colonial movement opposed western science and technology as instruments of domination by the colonial countries. In India, the liberation movement headed by Gandhi, expressed so radical a critique of western technology as to adopt the old manual work as the symbol of the liberation movement'. In our own times, most of these criticisms, from the church, from the idealists, from the workers! movements and from the third-world movements have indeed become muted. But there have emerged now social groups opposed to the neutrality of western science: the student movements of the sixties and the Chinese cultural revolution* are examples of this protest against the western claim of uniqueness and value-free-ness of their science. 

Developing an epistemology that will support the concept of a unique value-free science has been a continuing exercise in the western philosophical tradition. However, that tradition now seems to have reached a stage where it cannot unanimously support the claim of western science to be unique and value free. The work of Kuhn, Lakatos and Feyerabend may, be taken as examples. However, the author makes it clear that the aim of those critics of standard epistemology is not to develop a critique of western science, but only 'to build a sure methodology of a new specialization ‘History of Science', without any relation to the problems of present scientific research and with feeble links to the social history and conflicts'. However, it is of interest that this attempt to build a methodology of science leads to such irreconcilable epistemological dogmas that supported the thesis of uniqueness and value-free-ness of western science. 

The third and according to the author the most important blow to the concept of uniqueness and value-free-ness of western science comes from within the most developed of the sciences themselves. According to the author for a science to have a claim to uniqueness it must have clearly defined consistent and objective foundations. Both modern day mathematics and modern day physics lack such foundations. In mathematics the lack of self-consistent objective foundation is formally proved by the Godel Theorem. In physics the development of quantum mechanics and relativity theory have removed the sure foundations on which classical mechanics rested without providing any new set of foundational principles. The author concludes that sciences cannot now pursue any longer the old programme of western society, to build an abstract neutral science’. In the 'more abstract sciences, mathematics and physics for example’, the programme has been halted by their internal development itself. 

3. Marxist position on science:

Marxism unequivocally refuted the possibility of a ‘neutral’ social science. However, the position of Marxists on the question of ‘neutrality' or otherwise of natural sciences has been vacilating both in theory and in practice throughout history. This has led to the Marxist-Leninist to an impase, and a thorough revision of Marxism is urgently required. 

Marx in developing the science of political economy negated all the assumptions about an ‘objective’ ‘unique’ 'value-free’ science. 'He was a participant in the object of hissscience, the proletarian class. He based his science upon presuppositions that arc not universal but shared by one social group; so he built not his science but that of his group, and finally he claimed his science to be true not according to a priori formal criteria but according to the future history of the society, i.e., the victory of the proletarian class'. In building his political economy Marx built the most attractive example of an alternative social science. Though Marxist thought is so unequivocal about the non-neutrality and class-specificity of social sciences, the marxist position on natural sciences remains ambiguous. Marx did not leave us a definition of natural science, though from his till recently unpublished mathematical papers, it can be concluded that Marx did pursue 'a program to refowd differential calculus by paralleling the historical development of the latter with the historical evolution of the idealistic philosophy'. ‘It is noteworthy that in the same way he had reconstructed the historical development of economic theory’. 

These mathematical papers of Marx are little known. Officially it was left to Engels to define the Marxist position on natural sciences. Engéls insisted on the objective neutrality of science and ‘accepted the conflict in science only at the level of philosophy'. In fact Engels attacked and politically destroyed’ E. Duhring, a notable mathematician and mechanical physicist, who advocated a refounding of the natural sciences on and sure bases’. 

Lenin followed Engels’ characterization of science. He accepted the theory of objective neutrality of science; and declared that no radical changes in science are possible, only it can be put to alternative uses. Bogdanov, a political rival of Lenin, on the other hand, made a clear attempt to develop an alternative in natural sciences. ‘Bogdanov announced in 1911 the historical task of the proletarian class to express its view on the whole of culture, art and science. Its point of view entails a radical change of the fundamental premises (even if the old results are maintained in great part) and of the methodology of constructing science’. According to Bogdanov's view ‘there is more than one science, it depends on the social group that constructs it; only scientific and political struggle allows a group to make clear what science is suitable for it. This decision cannot be shifted to post-revolutionary times, because the success of proletarian class in winning the political revolution depends on its capability to organize society on the basis of a scientific programme, Only in this manner the prolatarian class can demonstrate its progressiveness before political revolution, Indeed, even the concept of progress depends on the social group’. 

Bogdanov was of course, politically defeated by Lenin, and the theory of objectivity in both science and technology prevailed for some time in Soviet Union. However, in 1931, the programme of Bogdanov of building a proletarian science was renewed. This new shift in the Communist policy manifested itself at the political level in the person of Bukharin and at the scientific level it was Lysenko who was chosen to lead the attempt to build a proletarian genetics. Lysenko, as is well Known failed, and by 1950 Stalin himself ended the search for a proletarian science. Marxist policy on science thus wort a full circle by 1950. According to the author the Lysenko affair is not a relevant example to prove that there cannot be an alternative science. Lysenko affair has a centralised operation of imposing the party's will on scientists and scientific research’. But alternative science cannot be built by the Party. According to tho Bogdanov programme, on the other hand, scientific effort was 'to be sustained by a mass movement, by developing a popular knowledge into an organised system of thinking’. Building proletarian sciences is the task of the whole proletarian class - not of the Party bureaucracy. Hence the irrelevance of Lysenko affair to the present argument. 

According to the author the official Marxist theory having drawn the wrong lessons from the Lysenko affair, and having accepted the objectivity of science, has reached a crisis. The only alternative they have to offer to the western model of capitalist organisation with the some giant science free from any boundary conditions imposed by the working class. The history of past years has shown this Latter model to be often spontaneously reverting to the capitalist organisation: and this history leaves the Marxists baffled, ‘capitalism appears to them an omnipotent and unfailing monster'. A thorough revision of the Marxist theory is required urgently. Essential elements in this revision have to be: clarification of the possibilities of alternative science, and dismissal of the ‘dogma' of progress in history. We have to realize that ethical and political values must precede science and technology rather than being tailored to suit scientific and technological progress.

4. An alternative from within sciences:

There are elements within the western science and technology: Marxism in social sciences, intuitionalism in logic, consructivism in mathematics and finally operativism in physics - which can be put together to form the basis for a 'people's science’. 

The paper spends a lot of time in analysing this thesis. The major argument centres around the development of thermodynamics in physics - which, according to the author, was a development entirely different from the usual physics activity and was developed by people like S. Carnot who had a clear political social philosophy in developing it. What is more, this line of development in physics was quickly stopped and supercoded by nuclear physics etc. we shall not review this thesis here in any detail, because one, it is highly technical in nature, and two, this thesis seems to have developed out of a despration with social solutions to the problem of alternative science - a desperation often stated in the paper - and seems to be another attempt to offer a technical solution.

Madras Group